21 July 2015

BRICS' bank launches in Shanghai, to work with AIIB

Officials from the world's largest emerging nations launched the (NDB) on Tuesday, the second of two new policy banks heavily backed by Beijing that are being pitched as alternatives to existing institutions such as the World Bank.

Also known as the BRICS bank, it follows soon after the establishment of the China-led Asian Investment Infrastructure Bank (AIIB). The new bank will fund infrastructure and development projects in BRICS countries - Brazil, Russia, India, China and South Africa.

The ceremony on Tuesday concludes a lengthy wait since the NDB was first proposed in 2012. Disagreements over the bank's funding, management and headquarters had slowed its launch.

"Our objective is not to challenge the existing system as it is but to improve and complement the system in our own way," NDB President Kundapur Vaman Kamath said.

He added that after a meeting with the in Beijing, the NDB had decided to set up a "hotline" with the AIIB to discuss issues, and to forge closer ties between "new institutions coming together with a completely different approach."

The ceremony, held in Shanghai where the NDB's headquarters are located, was relatively low-key in comparison to a June signing of the articles of agreement for the AIIB in Beijing, which was attended by delegates from 57 countries and President Xi Jinping. 

The NDB has initial capital of $50 billion, which will be expanded to $100 billion within the next couple of years.

Kamath, a former executive with India's largest private bank ICICI Bank, told Reuters earlier this month that the NDB plans to issue its first loans in April next year.

China has pledged to contribute $41 billion to the NDB, giving it the largest share of voting rights at 39.5%.

Brazil, India and Russia will each contribute $18 billion, while South Africa will contribute $5 billion.

India to have 500 mn internet users by 2017

India to have 500 mn internet users by 2017

By 2016, India is projected to have 236 million mobile internet users the report says, which would reach 314 million by 2017

The surge of internet users in India is only expected to continue in the next few years. According to a report done by IAMAI & KPMG titled 'India On The Go - Mobile internet Vision 2017,' India will have 500 million internet users. However, as is the case now, a majority of India's internet traffic will come from mobile devices.

By 2016, India is projected to have 236 million mobile internet users the report says, which would reach 314 million by 2017.

As of June 2015, India has 350 million active internet users. The user base of 3G in India is rapidly gaining market and is projected to grow at a CAGR of 61.3 per cent from 2013-17. However rural consumers will continue to use 2G.

There were approximately 82 million 3G subscribers in India by the end of year 2014 and the number is projected to reach 284 million by end of year 2017. Commenting on the release of the IAMAI-KPMG report, Ashvin Vellody, Partner - Management Consulting, KPMGin India said, "With more than 300 million internet users, India has the second largest internet user base in the world. But the internet penetration at 19 per cent (approx) is poor and limits the potential. The next wave of growth in penetration of internet will driven by adoption of mobile internet. The mobile internet growth story would be written by the large population in the hinterland and meaningful and compelling content/ use cases would enable adoption of mobile internet."

He further stated, "It is imperative to connect Indians through internet of which the mobile internet will play a key role since reliable accessibility will be the killer app that will bind the internet ecosystem together, increase adoption and enable innovation in business models around voice and data services."

Like it is true for all other consumer industries, rural India will contribute significantly to the internet push. As of 2014, the active internet user (AIU) base in rural India was 6.7 per cent of the overall rural population of 905 million and accounted for 61 million users. While 4.4 per cent of the total rural population used a mobile device to access the Internet, the figure that stood at a meagre 0.4 per cent in the year 2012. The IAMAI-KPMG report has found that the rural growth story in the coming years will likely be written by 2G technologies.

Increased Internet enabled device penetration, decreasing handset prices and data plans tariffs are helping to create a suitable environment for a rapid growth of Mobile Internet in India, with rural India set to take the lead. As of June 2014, nearly 50% of the AIU in rural areas accessed Internet using mobile phones, Community Service Centers (CSC) and Cyber Cafes. 38% of the Active Internet Users use Mobile phone as the main access point.

Indigenously Developed High Thrust Cryogenic Rocket Engine Successfully Ground Tested for a duration for 800 seconds

Indigenously Developed High Thrust Cryogenic Rocket Engine Successfully Ground Tested for a duration for 800 seconds
India’s first indigenously designed and developed High Thrust cryogenic rocket engine generating a nominal thrust of 19 tonnes was successfully endurance hot tested for a duration of 800 seconds on July 16, 2015 at ISRO Propulsion Complex, Mahendragiri. This duration is approximately 25% more than the engine burn duration in flight. The engine will be used for powering the Cryogenic stage (C25), the upper stage of the next generation GSLV Mk-III launch vehicle of ISRO, capable of launching four tonne class satellites.

This cryogenic engine of C25 Stage operates on Gas Generator Cycle using extremely low temperature propellants – Liquid Hydrogen (LH2) at 20 Kelvin (-253 deg C) and Liquid Oxygen (LOX) at 80K (-193 deg C). The various subsystems of the engine are – regeneratively cooled Thrust Chamber, Gas Generator, LOX and LH2 high speed turbopump systems, flow control components, close loop mixture ratio control system, Pyrogen igniters, fluid systems, etc. The turbopump system rotates at a speed of 36,000 rpm with a power level of 2 MW.

This high performance cryogenic engine was conceived, configured and realised by Liquid Propulsion Systems Centre (LPSC), the lead centre of Indian Space Research Organisation (ISRO) responsible for developing liquid propulsion systems for Indian Space Programme. The Engine design was totally in-house effort with experts from different fields like fluid dynamics, combustion, thermal, structural, metallurgy, fabrication, rotor dynamics, control components, etc., working together. The fabrication of major subsystems of the engine was carried out through Indian Industries. Assembly and Integration of the engine and Testing were carried out in ISRO Propulsion Complex (IPRC), a unit of ISRO.

LPSC has also developed a cryogenic upper stage of 12.5 tonne propellant loading and successfully flight tested it in GSLV Mk-II vehicle on January 05, 2014. Compared to this stage, the C25 stage has a higher propellant loading (27 tonnes versus 12.5 tonnes) and higher engine thrust (19 tonne versus 7.5 tonne).

The recent successful endurance hot test of the first high thrust cryogenic engine is the tenth test in a series of tests planned and executed as part of the development of the engine employing complex cryogenic technology. The performance of the engine closely matches with the pre-test prediction made using the in-house developed cryogenic engine mathematical modelling and simulation software.

Prior to engine realisation, a series of subsystem level tests were carried out to independently evaluate the design of major subsystems like the turbopumps, thrust chamber, gas generator, flow control components, etc. Based on the confidence gained, the integrated engine testing was initiated.

As part of the C25 Stage development, further tests are planned in High Altitude conditions and in Stage configuration, prior to the flight stage realisation.

Mastering this complex, high performance cryogenic propulsion technology will go a long way in building self reliance for the Indian Space Programme. 








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indigenous Visibility Measuring System - Drishti Installed at Indira Gandhi International Airport, New Delhi for Supporting Safe Airport Operations.

Sophisticated instruments, indigenously designed and developed by CSIR-National Aerospace Laboratories (CSIR-NAL), Bengaluru called as - DRISHTI, have now been made fully operational at the Indira Gandhi International Airport, New Delhi. They are used for reporting the runway visual range, which is a critical parameter for safe landing and take-off of aircraft in poor visibility conditions (<25 to >2000 meters). Drishti Transmissometers have been installed at this airport recently, as a part of the first phase installation of 20 such systems in 10 airports across the country.

#उत्तराखंड राज्य आंदोलनकारियों के ‌‌लिए खबर...

उत्तराखंड राज्य आंदोलनकारियों के ‌‌लिए खबर...

राज्य आंदोलनकारियों को सरकारी नौकरी में दस प्रतिशत क्षैतिज आरक्षण दिए जाने संबंधी शासनादेश को उत्तराखंड सरकार वापस लेने जा रही है।

अपर महाधिवक्ता ने इस संबंध में हाईकोर्ट को अवगत कराया है। हाईकोर्ट ने इस संबंध में शासनादेश वापस लेने संबंधी दस्तावेज दाखिल करने के लिए 24 जुलाई की तिथि नियत की है। 

न्यायमूर्ति आलोक सिंह व सर्वेश कुमार गुप्ता की संयुक्त खंडपीठ के समक्ष सोमवार को मामले की सुनवाई हुई। देहरादून निवासी मनोज चौधरी व अन्य ने हाईकोर्ट में जनहित याचिका दायर कर कहा कि सरकार की ओर से राज्य आंदोलनकारियों को सरकारी नौकरी में दस प्रतिशत आरक्षण दिए जाने का प्रावधान किया गया है, जिसके लिए शासनादेश भी जारी किया गया है।

याचिकाकर्ताओं ने शासनादेश को चुनौती देते हुए कहा गया था कि यह जीओ संवैधानिक प्रावधानों के विपरीत है। इस पर अपर महाधिवक्ता ने हाईकोर्ट को अवगत कराया कि इस संबंध में जारी शासनादेश को वापस लेने के लिए सरकार विचार कर रही है।

पक्षों की सुनवाई के बाद अपर महाधिवक्ता की ओर से दिए गए बयानों के आधार पर अगली सुनवाई के लिए 24 जुलाई की तिथि नियत की है।
राज्य आंदोलनकारियों को सरकारी नौकरियों में दस प्रतिशत क्षैतिज आरक्षण देने के सरकार के फैसले पर हाईकोर्ट ने 26 सितंबर 2013 में रोक लगा दी थी। इसके बाद यह मामला सर्वोच्च न्यायालय व उच्च न्यायालय नैनीताल के बीच झूलता रहा।

राज्य में रही सरकारों ने इस मामले को लेकर ईमानदारी नहीं बरती। सरकार ने आरक्षण दिया तो उसने नियमों में ईमानदारी नहीं बरती, इसलिए न्यायालयों में आदेश गिरते रहे।

सबसे पहले नारायण दत्त तिवारी और इसके बाद बीसी खंडूड़ी सरकार ने राज्य आंदोलनकारियों के लिए दस प्रतिशत क्षैतिज आरक्षण की व्यवस्था की थी। क्षैतिज आरक्षण किसी वर्ग विशेष के लिए तय आरक्षण कोटे का हिस्सा होने के बजाय सामान्य सीटों में से लिया जाता है।

जब सरकार ने आदेश जारी किया तो मामला हाईकोर्ट पहुंच गया। हाईकोर्ट ने कई बार सरकार को इस आरक्षण का आधार बताने को कहा, लेकिन लचर पैरवी ने इस मामले में सरकार की खूब फजीहत कराई और मुख्य न्यायाधीश की अध्यक्षता वाली खंडपीठ ने सरकार का आरक्षण का आदेश निरस्त कर दिया।
http://dehradun.amarujala.com/feature/politics-dun/no-job-reservation-for-uttarakhand-state-activists-hindi-news/

20 July 2015

The measure of poverty

The measure of poverty

Estimates based on SECC and NSS data have different purposes.



By: C. Rangarajan and S. Mahendra Dev 
Recently, the government released data from the Socio-Economic Caste Census (SECC) 2011. There has been comment that hereafter, we need not have consumption-based poverty estimates using NSS (National Sample Surveys) data. It is thought that SECC data will alone be enough to estimate poverty and deprivation. Here, we briefly examine the differences between the two and clarify that NSS consumption-based poverty estimates are still relevant. SECC-based estimates are important, but no substitutes for NSS-based poverty ratios. In India, we have a long history of studies on the measurement of poverty. The methodology for the estimation of poverty used by the erstwhile Planning Commission was based on recommendations made by various expert groups. In June 2012, the government of India appointed an expert group (with C. Rangarajan as chairman) to take a fresh look at the methodology for the measurement of poverty. 
The Rangarajan expert group has gone back to the idea of separate poverty line baskets for rural and urban areas, unlike the Tendulkar Committee, which took urban poverty as a given and used it as the common basket for rural and urban households. In defining the consumption basket separating the poor from the rest, the new expert group took the view that it should contain a food component that satisfied certain minimum nutrition requirements, as well as some normative level of consumption expenditure for essential non-food item groups (education, clothing, conveyance and house rent) besides a residual set of behaviourally determined non-food expenditure. The introduction of norms for certain kinds of non-food expenditures is an innovation. In the absence of any other normative criteria, the median fractile class expenditures were treated as the norm. Based on the analysis presented in the expert group report, monthly per capita consumption expenditure of Rs 972 in rural areas and Rs 1,407 in urban areas is treated as the poverty line at the all-India level. Assuming five members for a family, this will imply a monthly per household expenditure of Rs 4,860 in rural areas and Rs 7,035 in urban areas.

 The expert group estimates that 30.9 per cent of the rural population and 26.4 per cent of the urban population were below the poverty line in 2011-12. The all-India ratio was 29.5 per cent. Poverty estimates provide the proportion and size of the poor population and their spread across states and broad regions. But they - cannot be used for identification of the individual poor, which is necessary to ensure that the benefits of programmes and schemes reach only the deserving and targeted group. After the release of the SECC estimates, some commented that earlier targeted programmes were designed based on sample surveys and the SECC was an innovation. This is not true. Previously, too, for identification of the poor, BPL (below poverty line) censuses were conducted. The first two BPL censuses (conducted in 1992 and 1997) yielded an estimate of the percentage and number of poor households at the village, block, district and state levels, and the beneficiaries in these programmes were chosen by state governments depending on their position on the BPL list. The third BPL census was conducted in 2002. It did not identify the number of poor households straightaway or estimate their numbers, as in the previous two censuses. Instead, it ranked households within the village in terms of their socio-economic status, based on 13 indicators reflecting the levels of living and quality of life. SECC 2011 is thus part of this continuing process. 

According to the SECC data, 8.69 crore out of all rural households have one of the seven deprivations. In other words, 48.5 per cent of all rural households suffer from at least one of seven deprivations. Thirty per cent of households suffer from two deprivations while 13 per cent have three. Only 0.01 per cent households suffer from all deprivations. The automatically included contributed 0.92 per cent of the total rural households. Information on urban households is not yet publicly available. The rural poverty ratio estimated by the expert group based on NSS data was around 30.9 per cent in 2011-12. This is almost equal to households with two deprivations, plus the automatically included. However, NSS-based estimates are per capita, while the SECC data refer to households. A look at seven deprivations shows that they are not deprivations in the conventional sense of deprived of income, health and education, etc. Therefore, the question is whether the SECC data is appropriate for estimating poverty ratios. For example, it is true that landless households deriving a major part of their income from manual labour constitute the largest number of under-deprivation households. It is not clear whether landlessness (or manual labour) can be sufficient to conclude they are suffering from poverty. Over time, landlessness will increase and people will diversify their income with a rise in non-agricultural activities and migration. In the same way, some of the other criteria are not clear indicators of poverty. What is the rationale for having poverty estimates based on consumption estimates? First, in the minds of most people, being rich or poor is associated with levels of income. The various non-income indicators of poverty are in fact reflections of inadequate income. 

Defining poverty in terms of income or in the absence of such data in terms of expenditure seems more appropriate, and it is this method that is followed in most countries. Second, historically, the number of identified poor based on successive BPL -censuses in rural areas has differed widely from the measured poverty. For example, the percentage of households identified as poor in the first BPL census in 1992 was nearly twice the poverty ratio estimated by the Planning Commission. Usually, the poor households identified through these censuses contain a mix of poor and non-poor, for which there could be several reasons. One of the main reasons behind such a mix-up is the fact that people know beforehand that the census is going to decide the status of the household as poor or non-poor, and therefore its entitlement. Third, the deprivation criteria by themselves do not indicate the level of poverty. A judgement has to be made as to whether the number of deprivations taken together constitute a measure of poverty. This can be highly subjective. What is the purpose of NSS consumption-based estimates if they are not used for the allocation of funds and capping beneficiaries under government programmes? These poverty ratios would be used basically to assess the changes in poverty at national and state levels, or at the district level. This will be useful for creating appropriate policies. For example, one can examine changes in poverty in different phases of the post-reform period to understand what impact anti-poverty programmes, in conjunction with growth, have had on poverty. To conclude, SECC and NSS data-based estimates have different purposes. The SECC would be important for the identification of beneficiaries of programmes while NSS-based estimates would be useful for assessing changes in levels of living at the macro level over time. -

Taking a composite view of foreign investment in India

Taking a composite view of foreign investment in India

The Cabinet has approved a ‘composite’ cap for foreign investment in Indian companies, removing sub-ceilings for multiple investor categories. The move is expected to boost overseas investment flows.



Foreign investors and investment in India Foreign investment can take multiple forms, and involve multiple investor classes. An overseas investor can buy directly into a company involved in manufacturing, infrastructure development, banking, insurance, retail, etc. If the investment is 10 per cent or more of a company’s equity, it is classified as Foreign Direct Investment (FDI) as per OECD norms. Foreign Institutional Investors (FIIs) or Foreign Portfolio Investors (FPIs) purchase a company’s stock through the stock markets. Foreign Venture Capital Investors (FVCIs) put money mainly in new or relatively new ventures from which conventional investors stay away, given the risks involved. Then, there are investments by Non-Resident Indians (NRIs). These overseas investments can be in the form of equity capital, Foreign Currency Convertible Bonds or FCCBs (even though these become foreign investment only when the bonds are actually converted into shares), or investment in shares of Indian companies when they are listed in overseas exchanges through the issue of American Depository Receipts (ADRs) or Global Depository Receipts (GDRs). The government’s traditional approach India needs foreign investment especially to finance its current account deficit — a broad measure of trade in goods and services. Its foreign investment policy has long been designed to encourage more of FDI, which is considered to be more enduring because it manifests itself in plant and machinery on the ground, besides helping to develop skills, create jobs, and diffuse technology and global production practices. Policymakers have been less welcoming of FPI, as it is considered relatively ‘fickle’. The facts don’t always bear this out, though. Cumulative net FII investment flows into India since November 1992 (when they were first allowed) have amounted to $ 227 billion — $ 169 billion in equity and the rest ($ 58 billion) in debt. FIIs have generally remained invested in India; the few episodes of selloffs have largely involved debt rather than equity. FIIs have typically sold shares only to reinvest in fresh purchases. There are investment caps or ceilings on specific sectors. While 100% foreign investment is allowed in many sectors from food processing to railway infrastructure to non-banking finance companies, there is a 74% cap in private banks, and 49% in insurance, defence and commodity exchanges, clearing corporations, stock exchanges and depositories. Within the overall cap, there have been sub-ceilings for various categories of foreign investors. So in commodity exchanges, for instance, FDI is capped at 26%, while combined FPI cannot exceed 23%, which applies to even stock and power exchanges or depositories. And even when FIIs are allowed to invest 23% or more in certain sectors, an individual FII or FPI can invest only up to a maximum of 10%. The change in government’s policy now The approval of the so-called ‘composite cap’ has no effect on the - sectoral ceilings. Thus, foreigners cannot own more than 49% in any insurance or defence venture. But the current distinctions between FDI, FPI and other categories of foreign investors have been abolished. The colour of the mice (or cats!) does not matter so long as these are foreign, and so long as they don’t own more than the prescribed limit, if any, in a particular sector. Composite cap applicable to all sectors except two The proposed composite cap will be applicable to all sectors except defence and banking. So for private banks, portfolio or FII investment can go up to a maximum of 49%, and the overall limit will be 74%. For public sector or state-owned banks, nothing changes — as the foreign investment limit was restricted to 20% much earlier. In the defence sector, within the 49% investment ceiling, foreign portfolio limits will continue to be 24%. The change will be reflected more in investments in commodity, stock and power exchanges. Prior to the composite cap, portfolio investment was capped at 23% in these segments — it can now go up to the full sectoral limit of 49% without any distinctions. A potentially significant decision A composite cap helps remove uncertainty for both investor and investee companies. It provides greater clarity and legal certainty, eliminates inconsistencies, lowers transaction overheads, and does away with the costs of complying with multiple sets of rules and dealing with multiple regulators and authorities. It should boost overall investment flows, especially in sectors with multiple caps or ceilings such as commodity, power and stock exchanges, besides credit information companies. Foreign investors such as the Government of Singapore, which has a few investment arms in India, may not have to worry now about breaching limits while buying into companies as FDI or FII. There are some concerns Concerns in the defence sector relate to national security, and in the banking sector to ‘hot money’ flows — or the threat of volatile capital — and to the potential risk of a group of investors joining hands, especially through the portfolio route, to take control of banks. The RBI had flagged the latter concern in the case of a few old private banks — therefore, even now any investment of 5% or more in the banking sector has to be approved by the central bank. There are also worries about laundered money or terror funds coming into certain sectors, apart from attempts to ‘round-trip’ money back into the country. But composite cap isn’t an altogether new idea Finance Minister Arun Jaitley announced the government’s intentions in his Budget speech in February. Earlier in 2013, then Finance Minister P Chidambaram had said that the government would remove the ambiguity over FDI and FII, and follow global best practices. And back in its Budget of 2002-03, the NDA government had said that portfolio investment would not be subject to sectoral limts except in specified sectors. For well over a decade, several official committees have addressed the issue of boosting foreign investment: in 2002, the then Planning Commission member - N K Singh headed an inter-ministerial steering group on FDI; there was the Ashok Lahiri Committee in 2003-04; the U K Sinha Committee in 2010 and, finally, the Arvind Mayaram Committee which submitted its report in 2014. - 

Israel offers help to clean up Ganga

Tel Aviv’s techniques have been emulated by many nations

Israel, one of India’s biggest defence partners, wants to offer its expertise in water management and help the government with its ambitious Ganga cleaning project.
Israel’s water management, desalination and recycling techniques, which helped it overcome a water crisis following years of drought, have been emulated by several countries. Israel has also set a template for reusing wastewater for irrigation. It treats 80 per cent of its domestic wastewater, which is recycled for agricultural use, and nearly 50 per cent of the total water used for agriculture.
Experts to visit India
Armed with these water management techniques, Israeli officials have met their counterparts in the Union Ministry for Water Resources, River Development and Ganga Rejuvenation, headed by Uma Bharti, to offer help in water conservation and the Ganga cleaning programme.
A delegation of experts from Israel will be in India in August to assess the areas of Ganga cleaning that the country can contribute to.
Considering the losses made by water utilities across the country and high volume of non-revenue water, Israel has also offered to streamline the water management and distribution services. “The advantage we have is that we have a wide range of solutions for problems; there are specific problems in different States and our experts have solutions. We are pushing for more government-to-government agreements,” the spokesperson of the Israeli Embassy, Ohad Horsandi, says.
Israel’s Ambassador to India Daniel Carmon recently called on Union Urban Development and Parliamentary Affairs Minister M. Venkaiah Naidu to offer his country’s assistance in water management to meet the challenge of water scarcity in the burgeoning urban areas. Water management through reuse, recycling and distribution management will be a component in the Smart Cities and the Atal Mission for Rejuvenation and Urban Transformation ‘Amrut’ programmes flagged off by Prime Minister Narendra Modi in June.
The Ambassador has extended an invitation to Mr. Naidu to attend a conference on water-related issues in Tel Aviv in October.
Speaking to The Hindu, Mr. Horsandi said: “Israel’s work in water desalination has been widely accepted and used. We are keen to help India meets its water needs for drinking as well as agriculture.”
India and Israel have already signed agreements for agriculture partnership and 28 centres of excellence have been set up in Haryana, Maharashtra, Rajasthan, Gujarat, Bihar, Karnataka, Tamil Nadu, Uttar Pradesh and Punjab. These centres offer training to agriculturists on how to increase their produce and on effective means of irrigation.

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UKPCS2012 FINAL RESULT SAMVEG IAS DEHRADUN

    Heartfelt congratulations to all my dear student .this was outstanding performance .this was possible due to ...