Getting them back to school

A survey commissioned by the Ministry of Human Resource Development simplistically records poverty and academic disinterest as major reasons for children dropping out of school.

A survey commissioned by the Ministry of Human Resource Development, in September shows that out of the estimated 20.41 crore children in the age group of 6-13 in India, an estimated 60.41 lakh (2.97 per cent) are out of school. This proportion of out-of-school children is lower than the figure of 4.28 per cent in 2009 and 6.94 per cent in 2006, a fact worthy of cheer. This study is indicative of the fact that government-sponsored retention schemes and policies have had some positive impact. Methodologically, the report conducts household surveys and broadly defines ‘out-of-school’ as including all children who do not attend school for more than 45 days in an academic year. Had the report conducted a survey based on administrative records and defined ‘out-of-school children’ more narrowly, the results may have been significantly different, perhaps far less optimistic. But the picture is gloomy if we look more closely at the status of marginal groups in this study. The survey reveals that a higher percentage of female children (3.23 per cent) are out of school than males (2.77 per cent); more children from rural areas (3.13 per cent) are out of school than from urban (2.54 per cent) areas. A staggering 4.43 per cent of Muslim children, 4.7 per cent of Scheduled Tribes and 28.07 per cent of children with special needs are estimated to be out of school. Other surveys in the recent past also concur with this data of identifying Scheduled Castes, ST and Muslim children as constituting a major chunk of the out-of-school children, and record a very disproportionate progress in terms of bridging regional, gender and rural/urban divides.

The report simplistically records poverty and academic disinterest as major reasons for dropping out of school. Such analysis is where such studies fall short. As the MHRD report “Education for All” of August 2014 shows, too much emphasis is given to infrastructural reform, providing transportation, books, uniforms, etc. Although this is significant, the overarching insights from such a study require policymakers to officially acknowledge the prevalence of exclusionary practices in schools, so as to address them directly. In such complex conditions, deploying an intersectional analysis can be a useful methodological tool of study, such as noting the discrimination faced by a ‘lower caste-rural-girl child’ in school as against an ‘upper caste-urban-boy child’. The school cannot be perceived as an instrumental sphere for the potential labour force of a growing economy. Rather, it is a space for community development, a learning process that can potentially undermine caste and gender prejudices by the mere fact of children sitting together and sharing a common meal, increasing their self-worth.

Getting them back to school

A survey commissioned by the Ministry of Human Resource Development simplistically records poverty and academic disinterest as major reasons for children dropping out of school.

A survey commissioned by the Ministry of Human Resource Development, in September shows that out of the estimated 20.41 crore children in the age group of 6-13 in India, an estimated 60.41 lakh (2.97 per cent) are out of school. This proportion of out-of-school children is lower than the figure of 4.28 per cent in 2009 and 6.94 per cent in 2006, a fact worthy of cheer. This study is indicative of the fact that government-sponsored retention schemes and policies have had some positive impact. Methodologically, the report conducts household surveys and broadly defines ‘out-of-school’ as including all children who do not attend school for more than 45 days in an academic year. Had the report conducted a survey based on administrative records and defined ‘out-of-school children’ more narrowly, the results may have been significantly different, perhaps far less optimistic. But the picture is gloomy if we look more closely at the status of marginal groups in this study. The survey reveals that a higher percentage of female children (3.23 per cent) are out of school than males (2.77 per cent); more children from rural areas (3.13 per cent) are out of school than from urban (2.54 per cent) areas. A staggering 4.43 per cent of Muslim children, 4.7 per cent of Scheduled Tribes and 28.07 per cent of children with special needs are estimated to be out of school. Other surveys in the recent past also concur with this data of identifying Scheduled Castes, ST and Muslim children as constituting a major chunk of the out-of-school children, and record a very disproportionate progress in terms of bridging regional, gender and rural/urban divides.

The report simplistically records poverty and academic disinterest as major reasons for dropping out of school. Such analysis is where such studies fall short. As the MHRD report “Education for All” of August 2014 shows, too much emphasis is given to infrastructural reform, providing transportation, books, uniforms, etc. Although this is significant, the overarching insights from such a study require policymakers to officially acknowledge the prevalence of exclusionary practices in schools, so as to address them directly. In such complex conditions, deploying an intersectional analysis can be a useful methodological tool of study, such as noting the discrimination faced by a ‘lower caste-rural-girl child’ in school as against an ‘upper caste-urban-boy child’. The school cannot be perceived as an instrumental sphere for the potential labour force of a growing economy. Rather, it is a space for community development, a learning process that can potentially undermine caste and gender prejudices by the mere fact of children sitting together and sharing a common meal, increasing their self-worth.

Getting them back to school

A survey commissioned by the Ministry of Human Resource Development simplistically records poverty and academic disinterest as major reasons for children dropping out of school.

A survey commissioned by the Ministry of Human Resource Development, in September shows that out of the estimated 20.41 crore children in the age group of 6-13 in India, an estimated 60.41 lakh (2.97 per cent) are out of school. This proportion of out-of-school children is lower than the figure of 4.28 per cent in 2009 and 6.94 per cent in 2006, a fact worthy of cheer. This study is indicative of the fact that government-sponsored retention schemes and policies have had some positive impact. Methodologically, the report conducts household surveys and broadly defines ‘out-of-school’ as including all children who do not attend school for more than 45 days in an academic year. Had the report conducted a survey based on administrative records and defined ‘out-of-school children’ more narrowly, the results may have been significantly different, perhaps far less optimistic. But the picture is gloomy if we look more closely at the status of marginal groups in this study. The survey reveals that a higher percentage of female children (3.23 per cent) are out of school than males (2.77 per cent); more children from rural areas (3.13 per cent) are out of school than from urban (2.54 per cent) areas. A staggering 4.43 per cent of Muslim children, 4.7 per cent of Scheduled Tribes and 28.07 per cent of children with special needs are estimated to be out of school. Other surveys in the recent past also concur with this data of identifying Scheduled Castes, ST and Muslim children as constituting a major chunk of the out-of-school children, and record a very disproportionate progress in terms of bridging regional, gender and rural/urban divides.

The report simplistically records poverty and academic disinterest as major reasons for dropping out of school. Such analysis is where such studies fall short. As the MHRD report “Education for All” of August 2014 shows, too much emphasis is given to infrastructural reform, providing transportation, books, uniforms, etc. Although this is significant, the overarching insights from such a study require policymakers to officially acknowledge the prevalence of exclusionary practices in schools, so as to address them directly. In such complex conditions, deploying an intersectional analysis can be a useful methodological tool of study, such as noting the discrimination faced by a ‘lower caste-rural-girl child’ in school as against an ‘upper caste-urban-boy child’. The school cannot be perceived as an instrumental sphere for the potential labour force of a growing economy. Rather, it is a space for community development, a learning process that can potentially undermine caste and gender prejudices by the mere fact of children sitting together and sharing a common meal, increasing their self-worth.

Release by DOPT REGARDING AGE FOR IAS-2015,SAMVEG IAS,DEHRADUN

http://www.thehindu.com/multimedia/archive/02210/Civil_Services_Exa_2210656a.pdf

No change in age limit, attempts for IAS-2015: DoPT,SAMVEG IAS DEHRADUN

Dear candidate 
there is no change in age limit as per Dopt notice.so donot be panic.prepare with all your wisdom and energy for IAS 2015.IT IS VERY DIFFICULT FOR GOVT TO CHANGE AGE ABRUPTLY FROM 32 TO 26 YEARS.A POPULAR GOVT CAN NOT TAKE SUCH ARBITRARY DECISIONS.
SAMVEG IAS DEHRADUN
No change has been made in the age limit/attempts for Civil Services Examination, 2014, will be implemented from CSE2015.

The Department of Personnel and Training (DoPT) has clarified that no change has been made in the age limit/attempts for Civil Services Examination, 2014.

“The Group of Ministers at its meeting held on December 16, 2013, while accepting the age of entry in the CSE to be 21, discussed the upper age limit and decided to go by the recommendations of the Core Group on Administrative Reforms, which is 26 years for the unreserved category, 28 for OBC and 29 years for SC/ST, and two years additional for physically challenged candidates in each category,” said the DoPT statement.

The GoM further decided to reiterate its earlier decision regarding the number of attempts i.e. three for unreserved candidates, five for OBCs, six for SC/ST candidates with additional two attempts for physically challenged candidates in each category. It was decided to implement these provisions from CSE2015.

“The above mentioned decisions were noted for record and further necessary action. However, before any action in this regard could be taken, the government further took a decision on February 7, 2014, to allow two additional attempts to all categories of candidates with effect from CSE2014, with consequential relaxation of maximum age for all categories of candidates, if required,” said the statement.

Thus, the DoPT reiterated, the current position is two additional attempts for all categories, apart from four for the unreserved, unlimited attempts for the SC/ST and seven attempts each for the OBC and the physically challenged (General and OBC) categories.

In its 10th report titled “Refurbishing of Personnel Administration – Scaling New Heights,” the Administrative Reforms Commission (ARC) recommended permissible age as 21 to 25 for general candidates, 21 to 28 for OBCs, and 21 to 29 years for SC/ST candidates as also for the physically challenged.
http://www.thehindu.com/news/national/no-change-in-age-limit-attempts-for-this-year-dopt/article6612165.ece?ref=sliderNews

Govt says no to UPA move to lower UPSC age limit
The Narendra Modi government declared on Tuesday it was not considering any proposal to reduce the age limit of civil service aspirants in an announcement that effectively buried the UPA's last-minute decision to bring down the upper age limit by four years.

The announcement came against the backdrop of newsreports that suggested the Modi government would implement the decision finalised by the United Progressive Alliance (UPA) earlier this year.

"There is no proposal before the government to reduce the age limit for civil services," a government spokesperson said.

Instead of reducing the age limit, the government has already announced that civil service aspirants -- who may have lost out due to changes in the exam pattern -- would get two additional attempts and consequential age relaxation.

Government sources told HT there had been several attempts in the past to explore the possibility of reducing the upper age for the civil services examination, right from the Atal Bihari Vajpayee-led NDA government's tenure.

"But they were all nipped in the bud due to opposition from the political class that feels it would put rural candidates at a disadvantage," a senior official said, conceding that the politicians "did have a point".

The official said the Manmohan Singh-led Prime Minister's Office (PMO) too had been keen on reducing the age profile of civil service candidates but was not able to have its way.

The empowered group of ministers of the UPA asked to study recommendations of the Administrative Reforms Commission, however, had approved the decision to fix 26 as the upper age limit for unreserved candidates, 28 for OBC, 29 for SC/ST candidates with an additional 2 years for physically challenged aspirants.

"But this decision does not mean anything since all decisions of the previous government would be reviewed, and processed afresh," an official said.

A Swachh Financial Sector Abhiyan? The FSLRC is another United Progressive Alliance initiative that Mr Modi is keen to adopt and implement

According to a newspaper report, Prime Minister Narendra Modi is seeking to revamp financial sector regulations. For this, he wants a report on the implementation of recommendations of the Financial Sector Legislative Reforms Commission (FSLRC).

The FSLRC is another United Progressive Alliance initiative that Mr Modi is keen to adopt and implement. And as with all his other initiatives, Mr Modi is not interested in putting out a white paper on the current status so that the nation knows where we are and where we are headed under the new thinking emanating from him.

Apparently, the Prime Minister's Office has sought a status report from the finance ministry on the progress of the FSLRC recommendations after President Pranab Mukherjee brought the tardy implementation to Mr Modi's attention in early October.

It so happened that at the same time, a bureaucratic reshuffle pushed out Arvind Mayaram as the finance secretary, followed by G S Sandhu as the financial services secretary who was zealously implementing the prime minister's Jan Dhan Yojana. In place of Mr Mayaram came the dynamic Rajiv Mehrishi from Rajasthan, while Hasmukh Adhia from Gujarat, Mr Modi's man, has replaced Mr Sandhu as the new financial services secretary. Clearly, the financial sector is an important area for the prime minister. He is preparing the ground for important decisions.

However, the government has not yet signalled that it is keen to implement the two main FSLRC recommendations - a Unified Financial Regulatory Agency (UFRA) and a central platform to hear all grievances of financial consumers called Financial Redressal Agency (FRA). These two would have been the most ambitious steps so far. It would have amounted to a big-bang reform of the sort that many expected the prime minister to implement but which he has steadfastly refused to, preferring incremental changes.

The FSLRC, as we know, has proposed massive fundamental changes in financial regulations. One was demolishing sectoral regulators for insurance, capital markets and pension, and putting them under the UFRA. It must be remembered that the FSLRC recommendations were so contentious that that there were major differences among the members on important issues.

One of the commission members, Kishori J Udeshi, a former deputy governor of the Reserve Bank of India (RBI), objected to the proposed overbearing role of government regarding capital flows: "When the rule-making vests with the government, the RBI may be consulted, but if there is a disagreement, the RBI would willy-nilly have to deal with a fait accompli and be accountable for the actions it would be required to take in the light of the government's decisions."

P J Nayak, former chairman and managing director of Axis Bank, had a different problem: "One must view with apprehension the very substantial statutory powers recommended to be moved from the regulators (primarily the RBI) to the finance ministry and to a statutory Financial Stability and Development Council (FSDC), the latter being chaired by the finance minister. The finance ministry thereby becomes a new dominant regulator."

J R Verma, professor at Indian Institute of Management (IIM), Ahmedabad, pointed out the "authorisation" requirement for providing any financial service, defined very broadly in Section 2(75), amounted to regulatory overreach. "Many activities carried out by accountants, lawyers, actuaries, academics and other professionals as part of their normal profession could attract the registration requirement because these activities could be construed as provision of a financial service. Similarly, investors who rebalance their own portfolios regularly and day traders who routinely place limit orders on a stock exchange could also be deemed to require authorisation. An expansive reading of Section 2(75) (k) could require even a messenger boy who delivers a mutual fund application form to obtain authorisation. All this creates scope for needless harassment of innocent people without providing any worthwhile benefits."

Y H Malegam, professional accountant and the longest-serving director of the RBI, believed that non-banking finance companies and housing finance companies must continue to be regulated and supervised by the RBI.

In essence, of the six members other than the chairman, four of them had important points of disagreement that could not be ironed out before the report was signed. Is this why the Modi government is moving to implement the less controversial regulations such as setting up the Financial Sector Appellate Tribunal (FSAT), the Resolution Corporation, the Public Debt Management Agency (PDMA) and the Financial Data Management Centre (FDMC)?

If the Modi government really wants to make an impact, however, it should think of fast-tracking the Financial Redress Agency, putting some genuine pro-consumer people to run it, who will make it a mission to treat the duped and harassed financial consumer fairly.

As this column has explained many times in the past, while the business of financial services essentially runs on the deposits we put in the bank, the insurance premium we pay or mutual funds we buy, the financial consumers have absolutely no voice anywhere.

The three main regulators have different approaches to grievance redressal and different standards to stop harmful from coming pitched at the consumer. None of them is proactive. Unit-linked insurance products were straightened out only in 2010, after being allowed to run amuck for five years when millions of people lost money.

The RBI still does not care to rein in banks selling third-party products without any obligation to their customers. Chain-money schemes are being regulated by the Securities and Exchange Board of India (and it is making a hash of it) when it is a deposit-taking activity and should be regulated by the RBI.

Finally, India is probably the only country where jewellers to manufacturing companies to builders can pick up money from the public without coming under any regulation. Financial consumers are in a mess. It is time for a Swachh Financial Sector Abhiyan.

Healthy Life Styles is the Key to Check Diabetes

 November 14th, birthday of Frederick Banting, who, along with Charles Best, discovered insulin, is celebrated as World Diabetes Day. National Diabetes Month, observed each year in November, is a time for communities across the country – and the world – to renew and reinforce their fight against diabetes and encourage action to change the life style to reduce its impact.

As diabetes is a chronic disease and needs lifelong treatment, it becomes an economic burden on patients and family. The most important aspect of diabetes is occurrence of complications that increases the cost of management. Heart disease in diabetes is 21.4%, neuropathy 17.5%, peripheral vascular disease leading to ulcers 6.3%-30%, Retinopathy (eye) 19.0%, and Micro albumina (kidney) 26.3%.

Diabetes is part of a larger global epidemic of non- communicable diseases. This disease affects 6.6% (285 million people) of the world's population in the 20-79 years age group. According to the International Diabetic Federation (IDF), this number is expected to grow to 380 million by 2025. The IDF findings reveal that in 2007, countries with the largest numbers of people with diabetes are India (40.9 million), followed by China (39.8 million), the United States (19.2 million), Russia (9.6 million) and Germany (7.4 million).

India is home to 40.9 million people with diabetes – nearly 15% of the global diabetes burden and is projected to   increase to 70 million by 2025.  Impaired Glucose Tolerance (IGT) is also a serious problem in India. Type-2 diabetes is more common and results from a genetic predisposition and from lifestyle factors characterised by a high calorie intake and little exercise. The age of onset in India has been shifting towards younger people. Among Indians in their late teens, ‘adult-onset’ diabetes already manifests itself more often than ‘juvenile onset’ diabetes does. The reasons are the same as those behind the diabetes epidemic worldwide. One set of factors is urbanisation, a rise in living standards and the spread of calorie-rich, fatty, fast foods cheaply available in cities to rich and poor alike. Another is the increased sedentariness that has resulted from the replacement of manual labour by service jobs, and from the advent of video games, television and computers that keep people seated lethargically watching screens for hours every day.

Although poor Indians are currently at lower risk than affluent Indians, the rapid spread of fast food exposes even urban Indian slum dwellers to the risk of diabetes. In India, diabetes is no longer a disease of the affluent or a rich man's disease. It is becoming a problem even among the middle income and poorer sections of the society. Excessive insulin resistance has been observed in Asian Indians as a predominant mechanism leading to Type 2 diabetes.

            This alarming scenario led the Government to start the National Diabetes Control Programme on pilot basis during the seventh five year plan in 1987 in some districts of Tamil Nadu, Jammu & Kashmir and Karnataka, but due to paucity of funds in subsequent years this programme could not be expanded further in remaining states. However to contain the increasing burden of Non-Communicable Diseases, Ministry of Health and Family Welfare, launched the National Programme on Prevention and Control of Diabetes, Cardiovascular diseases and Stroke (NPDCS) on 8th January 2008. The Government of India launched the National Programme for Prevention and Control of Cancer, Diabetes, Cardiovascular Diseases and Stroke (NPCDCS) in 2010 by merging the National Cancer Control Programme and the National Programme for Prevention and Control of Diabetes, Cardiovascular Diseases and Stroke. The programme is under implementation in 100 districts and will be expanded to cover all districts of the country in a phased manner during 12^th Five Year Plan. The integration of services at district level and beyond, equitable with universal coverage under the umbrella of National Health Mission is envisaged under the programme.

In the 12^th five year plan, NPCDCs is being implemented in the 35 States/UTs from 2013-14. NPCDCs has now been brought under the umbrella of NHM in PIP mode. Interventions upto District level and below have been integrated under the Mission and funds provided through NCD Flexi pool. While State NCD Cells are functional in 21 states, District NCD Cells are   functional in 96 districts. An average of 6.15% was found suspected to be Diabetic (above 140mg/dl, random) and an average of 5.12% was found to be either pre hypertensive or hypertensive. 29000 Glucometers, 5.8 crore Glucostrips and 6.67 Lancets have been supplied to 21 States for Diabetes screening under NPCDCS, Urban Health Check-up (four cities) and Pilot Phase of School Health Programme (four Districts).As on 31st March 2014 5,5,39,571 persons have been screened for Diabetes and Hypertension under various health facilities,schools,urban slums and work places..

            The commitment to strengthen health system stewardship for improved monitoring of NCDs, related risk factors and comorbidities in India was reiterated during GoI-WHO ‘Call for Action on NCD’s at New Delhi in 2011.The development of the National NCD Monitoring Framework and targets was based on consultative process with the relevant stakeholders.

With the successful implementation of the programme, it is expected to achieve behaviour change in the community to adopt healthy life styles including dietary patterns, enhanced physical activity and reduced intake of tobacco and alcohol resulting in overall reduction in the risk factors of common NCDs in the community.

To conclude, considering the ever-increasing burden of diabetes, health system has to be strengthened with standard care at all levels. The Government has taken certain initiatives at national level which is appreciable but there is a need to implement them at grass route level in focussed manner before it takes the shape of pandemic in India. Awareness about the causes and easy way of preventions are the key to success.

 14^th November is Observed as World Diabetes Day