Steps to Make Farming More Profitable

Farm profitability is central to achieve rapid and inclusive agricultural growth and diversification to high value crops such as horticulture and livestock remains the best way not only to improve farm incomes and accelerate growth, but also to reduce stress on natural resources which form farmers production base. Creating an enabling environment for greater public and private participation is an objective of the overall policy for development of agriculture. Mission on Integrated Development of Horticulture (MIDH) has been launched w.e.f.1.4.2014 to promote holistic growth of horticulture sector, including bamboo and coconut through area based regionally differentiated strategies which include research, technology promotion, extension, post harvest management processing and marketing in convergence with comparative advantage of each State/region and its diverse agro-climatic features. Aggregation of farmers into farmers groups like Farmer Interest Groups/Farmer Producer Groups and Farmer Interest Groups/Farmers Producer Groups and Farmer Producer Companies to bring economy of scale and scope is a new feature of MIDH, aimed at empowering the farmers. Assistance under MIDH is provided for promoting primary/minimal processing units for processing of horticultural produce and value addition. For technological dissemination, latest technologies are promoted on crop specific cultivation use of Integrated Pest Management/Integrated Nutrient Management, Protected cultivation, organic farming through farmer participatory demonstration/front-line demonstrations at strategic locations/farmer’s field. To make farming competitive and profitable as well as to step up investment, both public and private, in agro-technology development and creation and modernization of existing agri-business infrastructure, government has proposed to establish two more institutions of excellence in Assam and Jharkhand at par with ICAR Research Centre at PUSA, New Delhi. For this purpose, an initial sum of Rs.100 crore has been provided in the Union Budget 2014-15. In addition, an amount of Rs.100 crore has also been set aside for setting up an ‘agri-tech infrastructure fund’. Further, Government has proposed to establish Agriculture Universities in Andhra Pradesh and Rajasthan and Horticulture Universities in Telangana and Haryana for which an initial sum of Rs.200 crores has been provided in Union Budget 2014-15. Ministry of Food Processing Industry has restructured the ongoing schemes from 12th Five Year Plan and accordingly under the Centrally Sponsored Scheme-National Mission on Food Processing, assistance is provided for implementation of the schemes for technology upgradation/establishment/modernization of food processing industries, cold chain, value addition and preservation infrastructure for non horticultural products, etc. Integrated Scheme on Agriculture Marketing (ISAM) also provides for creation and promotion of integrated value chain upto a stage of primary processing only to provide vertical integration of farmers with primary processors. Under the scheme, a subsidy of 25-33.33% of project cost is provided to promoters from general categories and special categories upto a sum of Rs.4 crore and Rs.5 crore respectively.

9 reasons why India's WTO veto shocked the world

India's tough diplomacy blocked a landmark world trade treaty late on Thursday, despite last-ditch talks to rescue what would have been the first global trade reform since the creation of the World Trade Organization 19 years ago.

Trade diplomats in Geneva have said they are "flabbergasted", "astonished" and "dismayed" and described India's position as "hostage-taking" and "suicidal".

Here are nine reasons why they say India's stance made no sense.

1. India has been a vocal backer of world trade reform. It has criticised the small clubs of countries, led by the United States and European Union, that lost patience with the slow pace of global reforms and started to discuss faster liberalising of trade in certain areas, such as services and information technology products. India is not in any of these groups. But Thursday's veto is likely to give them even more momentum as hope of a global trade pact, long in doubt, appears to be over.

2. India's veto may be the beginning of the end for the WTO. Trade experts say that if the WTO's 20-year-old rulebook does not evolve, more and more trade will be governed by new regional agreements such as the Trans-Pacific Partnership, which will have their own rules and systems of resolving disputes. That could lead to a fragmented world of separate trade blocs.

3. India's new government was widely seen as being pro-business. And yet it blocked a deal on "trade facilitation", a worldwide streamlining of customs rules that would cut container handling times, guarantee standard procedures for getting goods to and from their destinations and kill off vast amounts of paperwork at borders around the world. Some estimates said it would add $1 trillion to the world economy as well as 21 million jobs, 18 million of them in developing countries.

4. Nobody else was negotiating. Thursday's meeting was simply supposed to formally adopt the final trade negotiation text into the WTO rulebook, following its agreement by ministers at a meeting in Bali last December. India's then Trade Minister Anand Sharma hailed the Bali deal as a landmark in the history of the WTO. "We were able to arrive at a balanced outcome which secures our supreme national interest," Sharma said at the time. India did not hint at any further objection until days before it wielded its veto, and even then it made no concrete demands until the WTO meeting to adopt the new rules wasin progress.

5. India did not object to the deal it vetoed. Its objections were unconnected to trade facilitation. It blocked the trade facilitation deal to try to get what it wanted on something else: food security.

6. India had already got what it wanted on food security. At Bali, it forced a big concession from the United States and European Union, which initially strongly opposed its demands, but agreed that India could stockpile food at subsidised prices, reversing the trend of trying to reduce and remove trade-distorting food subsidies globally. The arrangement was temporary, but the WTO agreed to work towards a permanent solution within four years, by the end of 2017.

7. India's demands reversed its previous position. India blocked the trade facilitation deal because it wanted the WTO to move to a permanent solution more quickly than the four-year timeline. But diplomats say that India was offered a two-year timeframe before Bali but it insisted on four.

8. India's veto could put it in legal danger. As part of the Bali deal, India won a pledge that nobody would bring a trade dispute to challenge its food stockpiling programme, which is widely thought to have broken the WTO rules. However, diplomats say that Bali was a "package" of 10 agreements, and the only legally binding part was trade facilitation. If that fails, the package unravels, and India may lose its protection.

9. India was isolated. Cuba, Venezuela and Bolivia voiced support, but diplomats say other big developing countries such as Russia, China and Brazil, as well as India's neighbour Pakistan, were among the chief opponents of its veto. Poorer countries stand to lose most, WTO chief Roberto Azevedo told the WTO meeting after the deal collapsed. "They're the ones with fewer options, who are at risk of being left behind. They're the ones that may no longer have a seat at the table."

Opposition stages walkout in RS over UPSC row, Rajnath assures ‘early resolution’

The opposition parties on Friday staged a walkout in the Rajya Sabha over the Union Public Service Commission (UPSC) row. According to the opposition parties, the walkout was staged as the government did not give any timeframe to resolve the issue.

Meanwhile, Union Home Minister Rajnath Singh said that the government was studying the report submitted by a committee on the issue. He further said that the government wanted early resolution over the issue.

This comes after The Indian Express reported that the UPSC is understood to have opposed any move to either postpone or cancel the 2014 Civil Services Preliminary Exam scheduled to be held all over the country on August 24.

The Department of Personnel and Training sent a communication to the UPSC earlier this week, which contained a list of “suggestions” received by the government from agitators opposed to the current format of the CSAT paper which is part of the Preliminary Exam.

According to DoPT sources, the UPSC has since sent detailed responses to each of the “suggestions”, along with the reasons why a majority of them would be difficult to implement at this late stage of the 2014 examination cycle

The Union Public Service Commission (UPSC) is understood to have opposed any move to either postpone or cancel the 2014 Civil Services Preliminary Exam scheduled to be held all over the country on August 24.

The Department of Personnel and Training sent a communication to the UPSC earlier this week, which contained a list of “suggestions” received by the government from agitators opposed to the current format of the CSAT paper which is part of the Preliminary Exam.

According to DoPT sources, the UPSC has since sent detailed responses to each of the “suggestions”, along with the reasons why a majority of them would be difficult to implement at this late stage of the 2014 examination cycle.

Significantly, the communication, sent by DoPT Secretary S K Sarkar to UPSC chairman D P Agarwal, sought the commission’s response on postponing the Preliminary Exam by a month, and on the possibility of the CSAT marks (currently 200 marks) not being tabulated at all during evaluation and, if this was not possible, scrapping the CSAT paper altogether.

Officials said the UPSC has given reasoned responses to each of the proposals. It has said that postponement at this stage was difficult because over nine lakh candidates had enrolled for the exam over a year ago, and over two lakh candidates had already collected their admit cards.

UPSC is also understood to have stressed the huge logistical exercise involved in conducting the exam in over 2,000 centres across India.

On suggestions that the CSAT marks be “qualified” or not added to the marks tally, or that the CSAT paper be cancelled for the current year, the commission is learnt to have cautioned that adopting either course of action at this late stage might invite vexatious litigation.

UPSC has also said the recommendations of the Arvind Verma panel, which submitted its report to the government on Thursday, should be taken into consideration before a final decision.

The DoPT communication, officials said, also mentions the option of candidates — possibly those who had exhausted all their attempts before 2011 when the new CSAT format was introduced — being given one more chance to take the Preliminary Exam. The UPSC has given the government some leverage on this suggestion, adding, however, that its views on capping the number of attempts have been reiterated before, and the implications of this proposal should also be examined carefully.

The chief’s challenge

From July 31, a new army chief takes over the reins of the 1.3 million-strong Indian army. As General Dalbir Singh Suhag wears his rank badges and the fourth star appears on his staff car I can revel in the thought that he is a batchmate, a good friend and someone I have worked with on many a course of instruction and command assignment. The army’s time-tested esprit de corps dictates a prudent sense of loyalty among batchmates, but these buddies can also be the best umpires of performance. The hallowed office of army chief does not come easy and personalities who occupy it are inevitably aware of the responsibility they carry, the critical scrutiny they remain under and the necessity of having a clear vision about what they wish to achieve and where they intend to take their organisation. Suhag has almost 30 months, a long time by recent standards, to achieve institutional and thereby personal glory. Where must he start and what areas must he emphasise? A generalist approach, instead of a focused one, is unlikely to pay dividends. He must articulate his vision and resolve very early, taking a leaf out of the new government’s book.

Some years ago, the army adopted the concept of “transformation”, borrowed from the US lexicon. The equipment challenges of the army and setbacks in the acquisition process have prevented the progress of transformation, which must also be a comprehensive change in thinking, doctrine, concept and execution. Given the lag in human and technical resources, any pursuit of transformation will at best be departmental, not comprehensive. It may therefore be prudent to debate this extensively in the first few months. The second piece of advice is related to the growth of ideas. The modernisation of any army is such a complex process that without a range of ideas it will not progress beyond a point. Therefore, it would be good if the army’s public interface were given a boost. Suhag needs to tell the ministry of defence that the archaic system managed by its public relations office cannot meet a modern army’s information and interface needs. The MoD needs to accept this early.

It is usual to commence all discussions about modernisation with references to equipment and technology. Managing manpower is the less glamorous of responsibilities. Suhag would do well to call his adjutant general (AG) and military secretary (MS) to demand deep thinking on the quantum and quality of manpower. A gamechanging innovation, such as the veterans cell under General Bikram Singh, could set the tone for energy and dynamism in this particular sphere. Suhag needs to examine how to ensure that the potential capital budget of the army is not eaten into by undue expenditure on manpower through the revenue route. For the AG-MS combine,it is also necessary to start reversing the current ratio of main to support cadre of officers, which leads to low promotion percentages. This can only be done if the recommendations of the Ajay Vikram Singh Committee on the “peel factor”, such as vacancies in government for exiting Short Service Commission (SSC) officers, and other terms and conditions are actively pursued to make the SSC more attractive. For the manpower vertical, the new chief needs to make it clear that officer shortage is simply unacceptable, even if he has to resort to drastic measures such as an emergency commission.

The “one rank, one pension” demand among veterans and the standoff with the bureaucracy on this will be an issue that the chief will be expected to intervene in. His powers of convincing the political leadership about the imperatives of this demand will be a major test. If he is successful, it will boost his image and thereby his ability to deal with more intractable issues. The Seventh Pay Commission will probably finalise its recommendations during his stewardship. The experience with the last pay commission was a bitter one. Without a service representative on this one and with the services not having pushed for a separate pay body, the onus of obtaining a favourable deal will lie with the three chiefs who inherited the decisions of their predecessors.

On the equipment front, there is already an urgency, unlike with manpower. The chief needs to overcome the tardiness in implementing the procedures of the Defence Procurement Manual, recognise the criticality of drafting realistic GSQRs, conducting speedy trials and ensuring sufficiently experienced personnel to oversee the entire exercise. He can even consider an embargo on the movement of experienced officers from critical appointments in the equipment-oriented directorates until the situation improves. However, this is best delegated to a competent team under an empowered vice chief, who in this case, fortunately, is an experienced hand and will have a reasonably long tenure. One or two big-ticket criticalities must remain under the chief’s gaze, such as artillery and air defence.

The revelation that the army is down to less than 50 per cent of its war wastage rates holding of critical ammunition, and that 100 per cent holdings will be available only by 2019, places considerable pressure on the war-fighting capacity of the army. Special budget allocations for the import of selected ammunition may just be necessary, though expensive. A realistic assessment of the dilution on combat potential must be made, although I am certain it will have been done already.

Dealing with China on the LAC, the jihadist-Pakistani combine on the LoC, the role of the army in Jammu and Kashmir’s flagging militancy and the future of the Rashtriya Rifles are all issues that must draw the new chief’s attention in the operational sphere. None of these is in the realm of pure tangibles and a range of response options must be drawn up. The area in which to seek greater effect is coordination with other agencies, theministry of external affairs, intelligence organisations and the National Security Council. The opinion of the army must carry weight in the final decisions.

Two other issues would need the chief’s attention, in order to continue his predecessor’s emphasis. The army’s sociology, which has been undergoing rapid change, needs continuous attention. This includes dealing with officer-men relationships and alleged graft in some aspects of logistics and acquisition, recognising the happiness factor of a new generation with a mind of its own and the development of intellect in a world that is rapidly changing the contours of national security. These areas need short studies and recommendations to maintain dynamism. Finally, the management of senior officers, would need complete review. Longer tenures of command and longer periods in senior ranks to acquire the necessary experience are a must. The current system of rapid movement through flag ranks provides little confidence. Even if some drastic personnel management decisions have to be taken, so be it, for the sake of overall organisational effectiveness.

I have not even mentioned jointness, theatrisation, drawing up vision documents such as a national security perspective, budgeting, enhancing the voice of the army in national security decisions, etc, because I expect that these will be in the continuum of the decision-making pipeline. The pipes and drums, guards of honour and other ceremonials will soon be over and a tough regimen of hard work will begin. Knowing his stamina and propensity for hard work, there is no doubt that Suhag will stand tall among his illustrious predecessors.

The real disaster: price of urban land

A new land acquisition law, the land acquisition, rehabilitation and resettlement act (LARR), was enacted 10 months ago by the UPA government with widespread support from almost all political parties, including the BJP. This new law is apparently going to be “amended” or “diluted” by the new NDA government led by the BJP. Since hypocrisy and opportunism abound in Indian politics, let us not waste time bemoaning yet another example. Let us instead focus on what the new thinking on land acquisition appears to be and what, instead, it should be.
At the outset, let me be clear that I do not have personal or inside knowledge on the “new” thinking. My information comes from the media, including this newspaper, which claims to have seen documents that outline the proposed amendments. That said, let us consider what is at stake here.
The LARR was created by the Congress in the mode of its other landmark laws on information, education and food — using a rights-based approach. It was a reaction to serious conflicts over land acquisition (especially in well-known cases in Singur, Nandigram, Niyamgiri, Kalinganagar and others), which had come after the injustice meted out by the state for several decades during massive land acquisition drives for India’s modernisation and development.
The primary objective of the LARR was less to enable land acquisition than it was to deliver “fairness” to the people affected by it. This is important: the core purpose of the law was changed. The LARR expanded the definition of project-affected people and genuinely expanded the rights, protections and compensations for people who lose land or livelihood as a result of acquisition. It was a purely political and fundamentally bureaucratic approach. And, at the same time, the LARR was designed with no recognition of the economics of land. Its creators appeared to have forgotten that eminent domain laws exist everywhere (not just in India) to provide public goods, not protect private interests. In attempting to redress the balance between public and private interests in land, the LARR went too far. It raised the price of land acquisition to unsustainable levels.
The price of land acquisition has two elements. One is the direct price paid for acquisition, and rehabilitation and resettlement (R&R). Think of this as the cash component of the acquisition price. The second element is an indirect price. This includes transaction costs (such as the cost of doing social impact assessments, running the massive new multiple-layered acquisition bureaucracy, and so on),and opportunity costs, which arise from the time taken to conclude an acquisition, time during which capital is not invested and production does not take place. Reasonable estimates suggest that if all the steps defined in the LARR are accomplished in the minimum allotted time, it will take at least five years to conclude a land acquisition.
The BJP-led government has plans to adjust both elements of acquisition price. It apparently wishes to make the definition of project-affected people more stringent, so that fewer non-owners are eligible for compensation and R&R. But the new government’s real target seems to be the indirect costs of acquisition. It is considering a series of amendments to lower these indirect costs — by partially or wholly eliminating the social impact assessment element, eliminating project categories that would need to be given “consent” by the project-affected people, reducing the share that would need to provide “consent” (from 70-80 to 50 per cent), and so on.
Some of these ideas are useful, notably to reduce the use of social impact assessments by setting reasonable triggers. The trigger should use population rather than acreage thresholds. Some ideas are trivial, especially those that tinker with the “consent” threshold. It is more important to devise a just and speedy referendum mechanism (which remains opaque even now) than to play with these percentages. Some ideas are unjust and unwise, especially those that seek to avoid compensating livelihood losers or giving them voice.
There are many serious problems with the LARR, so serious that I have argued that it cannot be implemented, and that it is likely to lead to the end of eminent domain. Some of the problems do indeed arise from the indirect costs of acquisition, but the deepest problem comes from the direct or cash cost. And the most significant of these is the doubling of the price of urban land.
The compensation mechanism in the LARR is arbitrary at best and disastrous at worst. The blanket four-fold multiplication of “market price” in rural areas is arbitrary. Why four? Why not three or five or 10? The assumption appears to be that all rural land is the same, from Chhattisgarh to Punjab, from north Bihar to south Kerala. That is just absurd.
But the real disaster is in urban and peri-urban areas. I have shown that the price of urban land in India is the highest in the world. That price is already a major constraint to development and the provision of public goods. It may indeed be the single-largest constraint on development in India now. To double that price would have consequences that go far beyond the imagination of the designers of the LARR. This has to be corrected.
If the BJP intends to be serious about getting to a just and practical land acquisition law, it must begin by focusing on the direct price of acquisition of urban land.

India's Solar Salt

Common salt touches the lives of almost everyone. Indian salt industry has made rapid strides during last six decades. From an import dependent nation at the time of Independence, today it ranks third amongst 120 salt producing countries, with an average annual production of about 24 million tonnes. The Indian Salt Industry after meeting country's domestic requirements of 18 million tonnes, exports about five million tons of salt to 20 countries.

 Out of the total of salt produced in the country annually, 70% salt is produced from sea brine and 28% salt comes from subsoil brines and the remaining 2% is produced from lake brines/salt rocks. Mandi in Himachal Pradesh is the only source of rock salt in India. In India, Gujarat, Tamil Nadu and Rajasthan contribute to about 96% of the country's salt production. Gujarat contributes 75% to the total production, followed by Tamil Nadu (11%) and Rajasthan (10%). Other states such as Andhra Pradesh, Maharashtra, Orissa, Karnataka, West Bengal, Goa, Himachal Pradesh, Diu & Daman also contribute to a small extent. About 62% of the total production is from large salt producers, 28% is contributed by small scale producers and rest by medium scale producers. Most of the salt is produced by private sector only. The Indian salt industry uses labour intensive technology in contrast to high level of mechanization in salt industry of nations like Australia, Canada, France, USA etc. India exports surplus production of salt to the tune of about 35 lakh tonnes on an average. Major countries importing salt from India are Japan, Bangladesh, Indonesia, South Korea, North Korea, Malaysia, U.A.E., Vietnam, Qatar etc.

            Nearly 30% of total salt produced goes for human and animal consumption and thus can be a potential carrier of essential micronutrients for combating various diseases normally occurring from deficiency of such nutrients in human body. Salt is also required as a basic feedstock in many of the chemical industries. Worldwide about 60% of the salt produced is used in chemical industry, mostly for producing chlorine, caustic soda and soda-ash which are further utilized in the processes like, organic synthesis, polymer and petrochemicals and petroleum refining etc. and is also required in applications such as de-icing, water treatment or coolants etc.

            The salt content in the oceans is 'virtually inexhaustible.' Besides this there are substantial deposits of salt in major salt producing countries. There are mainly three ways of producing salt (a) direct mining of rock salt, (b) forced evaporation of brine, and (c) solar evaporation of brine. The most common and energy efficient method is progressive evaporation and concentration of sea, subsoil or lake brines in various condensing and crystallizing pans utilizing solar energy.

            In general, purer the salt the more valuable it is. Moisture in salt, mainly due to the presence of excess impurities of magnesium salts, is also detrimental as it can lead to the caking up of salt besides being an unwanted baggage during transportation of salt. For example, if 10 million tonnes of salt has to be transported from the fields by road, a 4% moisture level in salt would amount to ca. 40,000 unnecessary trips! A dry salt thus helps reduce the carbon footprint.

            Over the years a series of inventions have taken place in the area of solar salt. CSIR-Central Salt & Marine Chemicals Research Institute, a premier salt research institute has made a commendable contribution in the development of novel cost effective technologies of high purity solar salt production.

            The Indian salt industry in general lacks adoption of novel methods of solar salt production leading to inferior quality of harvested salt than countries such as Australia and Mexico. Improving the quality of such impure salt requires mechanical washing and other chemical treatments. CSIR-Central Salt & Marine Chemicals Research Institute, along with various State Governments and Salt Department, the Government is continuously pursuing the programmme of improving the quality of solar salt in a cluster development fashion as well as in the form of establishment of model salt farms which serve as demonstration units among the salt producers.

            Mechanization/modernization of solar salt works and use of saline wastes of various industries during solar salt production will also lead to enhancement in salt productivity. The latter will help not only in improving yield but also in improving the quality of slat and mitigation of environmental hazards generally occurred from discharge of effluent in sea or other at other places. Heavy losses in salt production are incurred as a consequence of unfavourable climatic conditions like heavy rainfall etc. Such issues can be addressed partially by mechanization and automation of solar salts. The mechanization of salt works will not only help in overcoming the problems of shortage of desired manpower engaged in salt production activities but will also help in improving the quality and yield of solar salt.

Indian salt industry is targeting production of 40 million tons salt by 2020 to meet its domestic requirement of 25 million tons an export about 10 million salt. It can be achieved by effective utilization of the available 6.1 lakh acre land and increasing productivity using modern technology. The slat industry is to be mechanized, merger of the salt works to increase the size of operation and use of solar plant in place of traditional electric / diesel power is to be encouraged.

World Bank support against excessive healthcare in India

India needs to curtail excessive medical care that leads to patient overspending as more people get health insurance, the World Bank said on Thursday, adding voice to a growing chorus against overtreatment in the country.

Practices such as "defensive medicine" and aggressive marketing by hospitals, which cost the United States an estimated $250 billion to $300 billion annually, are emerging as a serious problem in India, the Washington-based institution warned.

The comments come as the new government has vowed to crack down on unethical practices that plague India's $74 billion healthcare industry, where doctors say getting kickbacks for referring patients or passing inflated hospital bills to insurers is widespread.

The World Bank warned that as more people are able to afford healthcare and the government ramps up insurance coverage, the risk of excessive care may increase, in notes released from an April meeting with policymakers and insurers.

Awareness of how to get a medical claim remains low in India and out-of-pocket expenses remain high. While more than 630 million people are forecast to have some form of health insurance by next year, more than half the country will remain uninsured.

Prime Minister Narendra Modi's government is also working on what may be the world's largest health insurance programme, partially inspired by the "Obamacare" law in the United States.

As more and more patients become insured, the size of their bills may grow, the World Bank said. "Individuals in India with private voluntary health insurance are two to three times more likely to be hospitalised than the national average."

Some doctors in India have already joined the movement. Last month, the All India Institute of Medical Sciences convened a "Society for Less Investigative Medicine", which puts the onus on both doctors and patients to tackle the problem.

The society's founder, Balram Bhargava, said it was not ideal that Indian doctors adopted the so-called American medicine practice of taking a defensive strategy of doing checkups to avoid patient litigation.

UNHEALTHY PRACTICES

Last week, Health Minister Harsh Vardhan called for tougher laws in the health sector after a television news channel reported that some laboratories allegedly offered kickbacks to doctors who referred patients to their diagnostic centres.

Some doctors complain unethical behaviour is more rampant in the vast sector of private health care providers that capitalise on low spending in the public health system. Private health providers have created 80 percent of the new hospital bed capacity in the last decade, according to PwC-NatHealth report.

Malpractice, such as falsifying patients' diagnoses to pass unnecessarily high bills on to insurers, led one worker in private health to quit his job in favour of a low-paying government health service job.

"I quit because there was dirt there," said Sunil, who declined to give his last name or the name of the hospital he left. "Such practices did not suit my conscience."

Arun Gadre, an associate coordinator at the non-profit organisation SATHI, is publishing a book featuring interviews with dozens of doctors in the private sector. "The medical private sector has stooped to such low levels just to earn money," Gadre, himself a doctor, said.

"One nephrologist working in a corporate hospital was asked by his CEO for an explanation why a person was discharged without kidney biopsy, even though no operation was actually required."