13 January 2017

Unemployment in India to increase marginally in 2017-18: UN report

Unemployment in India to increase marginally in 2017-18: UN report

The UN report says the unemployment in India is projected to increase from 17.7 million last year to 17.8 million in 2017 and 18 million next year
Unemployment in India is projected to witness marginal increase between 2017 and 2018, signalling stagnation in job creation in the country, according to a UN labour report.
The United Nations International Labour Organisation (ILO) released its 2017 World Employment and Social Outlook report on Thursday, which finds economic growth trends lagging behind employment needs and predicts both rising unemployment and worsening social inequality throughout 2017.
Job creation in India is not expected to pick up pace in 2017 and 2018 as unemployment rises slightly, representing a near stagnation in percentage terms.
“Unemployment in India is projected to increase from 17.7 million last year to 17.8 million in 2017 and 18 million next year. In percentage terms, unemployment rate will remain at 3.4% in 2017-18,” the report added.
India had performed slightly well in terms of job creation in 2016, when a “majority” of the 13.4 million new employment created in Southern Asia happened in the country.
The report also acknowledged that India’s 7.6% growth in 2016 helped Southern Asia achieve 6.8% growth that year.
“Manufacturing growth has underpinned India’s recent economic performance, which may help buffer demand for the region’s commodity exporters,” it added.
The report added that global unemployment levels and rates are expected to remain high in the short term, as the global labour force continues to grow. In particular, the global unemployment rate is expected to rise modestly in 2017, to 5.8% (from 5.7% in 2016) — representing 3.4 million more unemployed people globally (bringing total unemployment to just over 201 million in 2017).
“We are facing the twin challenge of repairing the damage caused by the global economic and social crisis and creating quality jobs for the tens of millions of new labour market entrants every year,” said ILO director-general Guy Ryder.
The increase in unemployment levels and rates in 2017 will be driven by deteriorating labour market conditions in emerging countries — as the impacts of several deep recessions in 2016 continue to affect labour markets in 2017.
The number of unemployed people in emerging countries is expected to increase by approximately 3.6 million between 2016 and 2017 (during which time the unemployment rate in emerging countries is expected to climb to 5.7%, compared with 5.6% in 2016), it said.
“Almost one in two workers in emerging countries are in vulnerable forms of employment, rising to more than four in five workers in developing countries,” said Steven Tobin, ILO Senior Economist and lead author of the report.
That statistic is even worse for emerging countries. Those living in Southern Asia and sub-Saharan Africa are facing the greatest risk. In contrast, unemployment is expected to fall in 2017 in developed countries (by 670,000), bringing the rate down to 6.2% from 6.3% in 2016. PTI

How to make publicly-funded elections a reality


How to make publicly-funded elections a reality
The MPLAD and MLALAD schemes should be discontinued. The money saved should be used for public funding of elections
Elections to the state legislatures in Goa, Manipur, Punjab, Uttarakhand and Uttar Pradesh were announced last week. Television anchors and their talking heads are in animated discussion on pre-poll surveys. Political parties are in campaign mode. And we are in the midst of yet another election season.
Democracy has progressively put down roots among people, even if it has not provided them opportunities or ensured their rights. There is growing political consciousness among citizens, reflected in the massive voter turnouts that make clear decisions. There is an increasing empowerment of the excluded as voters, if not leaders. There is a rights consciousness in people, particularly the young, who are beginning to demand accountability from elected governments. This is attributable, in part, to faith in the electoral process. Elections in India are, on the whole, seen to be free and fair. The Election Commission has evolved as an institution which is impartial and effective in its conduct of elections. Yet, it is unable to ensure a level playing field in the contest for political power. The reason for its failure in this domain lies in election finances.
The role of money in politics, which surfaced after 1967, gathered momentum in the 1970s and 1980s to become established practice by 1990. It spread in range and depth with the passage of time. And it is now a practised art. To begin with, votes were purchased at election time—not everywhere, but in close contests or important constituencies. The practice spread. Those with money progressively acquired an advantage over those without money in the battle of the ballot. Barriers to entry in politics were a natural outcome. The process did not quite stop there. It was soon realized that, after elections, even legislators could be bought and sold. It did not take long for such practices to spread to parliamentarians. There are several examples of votes of confidence that have been won narrowly, not only in state legislatures but also in the national parliament, using methods that are unethical, unfair or simply corrupt.
The technological revolution in communications has created another role for money in elections. The blitzkrieg in the print media or electronic media (with expensive advertising) and social media is now an integral part of election campaigns. Thus, money is omnipresent in election season. Group interests such as the land mafia, real-estate developers, mining interests, corporate lobbies, and even criminals, are closely connected to political leaders and interwoven into the political fabric. In this milieu, there are formidable barriers to entry. And the political sphere is increasingly a preserve of dynasties or oligarchies. Money is the only means of circumventing these obstacles that are almost insurmountable for the ordinary citizen.
It is exceedingly difficult to estimate the election expenditures of candidates who contest elections to Parliament or state legislatures. Conversations with leaders or contestants across political parties suggest that actual expenses of serious electoral candidates, on average, are in the range of Rs10 crore for a Lok Sabha constituency and Rs2 crore for a state assembly constituency. Actual expenses, which could be somewhat lower or much higher, can differ widely across states and constituencies.
The Election Commission imposes a limit on the total campaign expenditure of each candidate which is, at present, Rs28 lakh for state assembly constituencies and Rs70 lakh for Lok Sabha constituencies. There is, however, no stipulated limit on what political parties can spend on behalf of their candidates. It is almost impossible for the election authorities to monitor actual expenses. Moreover, there is no rule about what candidates or parties can receive as contributions or donations. The only stipulation is that if the sum is Rs20,000 or more it has to be received as payment by cheque. The claim of political parties that 80%, if not more, of contributions received are small donations of less than Rs20,000 each, is hardly surprising.
In public discourse, the focus is almost always on economic reform. Strangely enough, political reform is seldom on any agenda for discussion. The reason is simple enough. The vested interests of those who decide lie in preserving the status quo. There has been occasional talk in the context of corruption. The late V.P. Singh, a former prime minister, suggested public financing of elections. Prime Minister Narendra Modi believes demonetization could clean up electoral finances. But state funding of elections has never been more than an idea. Two questions are the standard excuse. Where is the money to come from? How can it be disbursed? There are plausible answers to both. And the idea can become a reality.
The resources allocated to the Local Area Development Schemes for members of parliament and state legislatures—MPLADS and MLALADS—have increased at a rapid pace over the past two decades. These enormous sums of public money, as much as Rs53,000 crore over five years, are often underutilized or misused without social audit or public accountability. Such schemes are also contrary to the principles of political democracy because they provide an unfair advantage to incumbents over potential new entrants. In my view, the MPLAD and MLALAD schemes should be discontinued. The money saved should be used for public funding of elections. It would serve political democracy far better by cleansing the electoral process.
The table sets out the allocations under these schemes by states, for each MP and for each MLA, per year, and over a period of five years, which coincides with the tenure of Parliament and state legislatures.
Click here for enlarge
Table 1 shows that each MP, in both the Lok Sabha and the Rajya Sabha, is allocated Rs5 crore per year, so that each MP is entitled to Rs25 crore during an electoral cycle of five years. The total sum allocated, in five years, is almost Rs20,000 crore. Rajya Sabha MPs are elected through indirect elections in their respective state assemblies. In principle, they should not incur any expenditure on their elections. Thus, the entire amount can be allocated for public funding of elections for 543 Lok Sabha members, so that the amount available for distribution among candidates in each constituency would be Rs36 crore. This is more than enough.
Table 2 shows the allocations for each MLA, mostly in the range of Rs1-2 crore per year, as also for the five-year tenure of legislatures, in different states. The total sum allocated, in five years, for all states is around Rs33,000 crore. There are four discernible groups among states in terms of allocations. In Andhra Pradesh, Bihar, Karnataka, Madhya Pradesh, Maharashtra, Rajasthan and Tamil Nadu, which account for 39% of MLAs, the amount available for distribution among candidates in each constituency would be Rs10 crore. This sum for each constituency would be distinctly higher at Rs25 crore in Kerala, Rs20 crore in Delhi, Rs15 crore in Jharkhand and Rs12.5 crore in Uttarakhand (9% of MLAs). In Uttar Pradesh, Telangana and Jammu and Kashmir (15% of MLAs), this sum for each constituency would be somewhat lower, at Rs7.5 crore. However, the amount per constituency would be less, at Rs5 crore, in Assam, Chhattisgarh, Gujarat, Odisha, Puducherry (15% of MLAs), and about Rs3 crore in West Bengal and the small states (17% of MLAs). This scheme does not exist in Haryana and Punjab (5% of MLAs).
For the first three groups of states, the amount available for public funding of elections would be a large multiple of Rs2 crore, which is an average for expenses per serious electoral candidate in each state assembly constituency.
There are two possible mechanisms for distributing these funds among electoral candidates both for the Lok Sabha and for state legislatures. The sums could be disbursed either directly to the electoral candidates or to political parties. The distribution would have to be based on the share of each candidate or each political party in the votes polled. Obviously, only candidates or political parties that get a critical minimum percentage of the vote stipulated beforehand would be eligible for such public funding. It might be preferable to begin with disbursements to candidates even if disbursements to political parties might be easier to administer. The reason is that intra-party democracy has diminished rapidly with the passage of time, and no political party, irrespective of its ideology, is an exception to this rule.
Such public funding could be supplemented by contributions or donations from individuals or entities. But all such payments, irrespective of the amount, must be through cheques. It is imperative that there is complete disclosure and absolute transparency in this process, whether it is contributions or donations received by candidates or by political parties. In fact, contributions by political parties to their electoral candidates must be subject to the same transparency and disclosure. The information should be made available not only to the Election Commission but also be put in the public domain, on websites of candidates and parties. Clearly, this is easier said than done. But it would be far more feasible if public funding meets a reasonably high proportion, say one-half to two-thirds, of total election expenses.
The idea is feasible. There is bound to be resistance from incumbent MPs and MLAs. Similarly, political parties are bound to resist transparency and disclosure. But, eventually, public funding of elections will whittle down this resistance. It needs not just political will. It needs mounting pressure from citizens in our vibrant democracy.
The opaque and gargantuan nature of electoral finance is at the root of the twin evils of corruption and black money. The only permanent solution is to strike at its foundation.

Improving India’s scientific capabilities


Improving India’s scientific capabilities

Making India a top destination for science and technology will require getting the basics right

Prime minister Narendra Modi’s pledge to place India among the top three countries in the world in the field of science and technology (S&T) by 2030—announced at the Indian Science Congress in Tirupati earlier this month and reiterated at the Nobel prize exhibition in Ahmedabad this week—is a fine sentiment. But it is also a grandiose one. Getting even part-way there is going to take some doing. India performs below its potential on just about every indicator of scientific progress and achievement there is: be it the amount of public and private funding earmarked for research, the number of prestigious awards won by Indian scientists working in Indian institutions, the number of patents registered in the names of Indians or the number of articles published in well-known peer-reviewed journals.
India has a long civilizational history of scientific achievement. But today the list of Indian scientists who have won the world’s most prestigious award, the Nobel, begins and ends with C.V. Raman. The longer list of Indian-origin and Indian-born winners has 16 mentions—but that also only highlights the large-scale systemic failures that extend across institutions and manifest at all levels.
Only time will tell if the Modi government will be able to put in motion the revamp he has spoken of. But for now, there are early indicators that give us some idea of the government’s plans and priorities.
First is the government’s focus on improving science education at the school level: In Ahmedabad, Modi spoke of scientists helping develop course modules while in Tirupati, he mentioned scientific social responsibility wherein premier laboratories and research institutions could partner with nearby schools and colleges to create an environment that supports scientific education and innovation. This is well and good. But these are in the nature of vague, broad ideas, when what is needed is foundational work on the overall education system.
A human resource and development ministry report tabled in Parliament last month noted that as many as a million teaching positions in government schools across the country are lying vacant; successive status of education reports by the non-profit Pratham have highlighted how educational outcomes among Indian school students are falling at an alarming rate.
The situation in institutions of higher education is hardly any better. Elite institutions such as the IITs are the exception, and they too struggle to compete globally. In the QS World University Rankings 2016-17, only two Indian institutions ranked among the top 200 universities in the world: Indian Institute of Science, Bangalore (rank 152) and Indian Institute of Technology, Delhi (rank 185). Research institutions also suffer from government interference and lack of funding which, among other problems, makes them unattractive to rising talent that prefers greener pastures abroad.
The second issue that the government is focusing on is strengthening the links between S&T and industry. If done right, this could potentially bring in the resources necessary to boost Indian science. Currently, much of the funding comes from the government while private-sector investment (in the form of research and development centres, for example) is below par. Overall, despite talk since the late 1980s of increasing S&T investments from the public and private sector to 2% of GDP (gross domestic product), the figure still hovers at around 0.9%. In comparison, South Korea leads the race, investing 3% of its GDP in S&T, while Japan follows close behind.
Another example is tiny Israel, which has not only nurtured a flourishing S&T ecosystem but leveraged its security challenges to build a robust defence industry. In India, it will be interesting to see if the Modi government’s flagship scheme to boost domestic manufacturing and its consequent efforts to woo foreign capital (specifically in defence) can do something similar.
Against this backdrop, it was perhaps in the fitness of things that the Nobel exhibition, which brought nine Nobel laureates on one platform in Ahmedabad, was organized in association with an investment summit to underline how science, technology and innovation hold the key to enterprise and entrepreneurship. The event is part of the larger Nobel Prize Series—and can be seen as part of the government’s larger effort to make science more glamorous. But talk is cheap. If there is to be real progress, it will need unglamorous, ground-level work. Fetishizing the Nobel as an end in itself—as Andhra Pradesh chief minister N. Chandrababu Naidu did last week when he announced Rs100 crore in prize money for anyone from his state who wins the prize—will not be enough.
Do you think India can become a science and technology powerhouse in the near future?

SAMVEG IAS’30Day Plan for UKPCS Prelims2016 test (Day13);UKcurrent affairs

SAMVEG IAS’30Day Plan for UKPCS Prelims2016 test (Day13);UKcurrent affairs

9 January 2017

Text of the PM’s address at the Inauguration of the 14th Pravasi Bharatiya Divas Convention at Bengaluru on 8th January, 2017

Text of the PM’s address at the Inauguration of the 14th Pravasi Bharatiya Divas Convention at Bengaluru on 8th January, 2017
Excellencies and friends,
To begin with, let me offer our deepest condolences to the people and government of Portugal on the passing away of Mr. Mario Soares, former President, Prime Minister, a great leader of Portugal and a global states-man. He was the architect of the re-establishment of diplomatic relations between India and Portugal. We stand with Portugal in full support in this hour of grief.
Your Excellency, the Vice President of Suriname, Shri Michael Ashwin Adhin, Excellency the Prime Minister of Portugal, Dr. Antonio Costa,
Shri Vaju Bhai wala, Governor of Karnaktaka Shri Siddaramaiah ji,
Chief Minister of Karnataka, Honourable Ministers, Dignitaries from India and Abroad,
And the most important of all, the global family of overseas Indians.
It is a great pleasure for me to welcome all of you on this 14th Pravasi Bharatiya Diwas. Thousands of you have travelled from far-off lands to join us here today. Millions more are connected through digital platforms.
This day is a celebration to mark the return to India of one of the greatest Pravasi’s- Mahatma Gandhi.
ये एक ऐसा पर्व है जिस में एक प्रकार से host भी आप ही हैं, guest भी आप ही हैं। यह पर्व एक ऐसा पर्व है जिसमें उसकी विदेश में रहने वाली संतान से मिलने का अवसर है। अपनों को अपनों से मिलना, अपने लिए नहीं सबके लिए मिलना। इस event की असली पहचान आन-बान-शान जो कुछ भी है आप सब लोग हैं। आप का इस पर्व में सम्मिलित होना हमारे लिए बहुत-बहुत गर्व की बात है। आप सब का तहे दिल से स्वागत है |

We are celebrating this event in the beautiful city of Bengaluru. I wish to thank the Chief Minister, to the Ramayya Ji and his entire government for his assistance and efforts in organizing this event/ and making it a big success.
It is my particular pleasure to welcome Excellency the Prime Minister of Portugal, the Vice President of Suriname, the honourable Ministers from Malaysia and Mauritius to the event.
Their achievements, the name they have earned in their own societies and globally, are a great inspiration for all of us. It also reflects the success, glory and enterprise of Indian diaspora the world over. There are over 30 million Overseas Indians living abroad. Their footprint is all over the world. But, Indians abroad are valued not just for their strength in numbers. They are respected for the contributions they make - to India and to the societies and countries where they live. In foreign lands and communities across the globe, irrespective of the path they take, and the goals they pursue, the Indian diaspora represents the best of Indian culture, ethos and values. Their hard-work, discipline, law-abiding and peace loving nature are role models for other immigrant communities abroad.
आप की प्रेरणा कई प्रकार की है, उद्देश्य अनेक हैं, आपके मार्ग भिन्‍न–भिन्‍न हैं, हर किसी की मंजिल भी अलग है लेकिन हम सबके भीतर एक ही भाव विश्‍व है, और वो भाव जगत है भारतीयता। प्रवासी भारतीय जहां रहे उस धरती को उन्‍होंने कर्मभूमि माना, और जहां से आए उसे मर्मभूमि माना। आज आप उस कर्मभूमि की सफलताओं को, उसकी गठरी बांध करके उस मर्मभूमि में पधारे हैं जहां से आपको, आपके पूर्वजों को, अविरत् प्रेरणा मिलती रही है। प्रवासी भारतीय जहां रहे वहांका विकास किया और जहां के हैं वहां भी अपना अप्रतिम रिश्‍ता जोड़ करके रखा, हो सके उतना योगदान किया।
Friends, for my governments and for me personally, engagement with the overseas Indian community has been a key area of priority. I have met and spoken to hundreds of thousands of our brothers and sisters during my travels abroad – in USA, UK, Australia, South Africa, UAE, Qatar, Singapore, Fiji, China, Japan, South Korea, Kenya, Mauritius, Seychelles, and Malaysia.
As a result, as a result of our sustained and systematic out-reach, there is new energy, keen desire and strong drive among Indian Diaspora to connect more extensively and deeply with India’s social and economic transformation.
The remittance of close to sixty nine billion dollars annually by the overseas Indians makes an invaluable contribution to the Indian economy.
प्रवासी भारतीयों में देश के विकास के लिए अदम्य इच्छाशक्ति है; वे देश की प्रगति में सहयात्री हैं। Co-traveler हैं। हमारी विकास यात्रा में आप हमारे एक Valuable साथी हैं, Partner हैं, stakeholder हैं। कभी चर्चा हुआ करती थी Brain-Drain. हर कोई सवाल पूछता था Brain-Drain, और मैं उस समय लोगों को कहता था; तब तो न मुख्‍यमंत्री था न प्रधानमंत्री था; जब लोग कहते थे कि Brain-Drain, Brain-Drain हो रहा था तो मैं कह रहा था क्‍या बुद्धु लोग ही यहां बचे हैं क्‍या? लेकिन आज मैं बड़े विश्‍वास के साथ कहना चाहता हूं हम लोग जो Brain-Drain की चर्चा करते थे, वर्तमान सरकार के initiatives उस Brain-Drain में से भी Brain-Gain के लिए है। हम Brain-Drain को Brain-Gain में बदलना चाहते हैं, और वो सब आप सबकी सहभागिता से ही संभव होने वाला है, और होके रहने वाला है, ये मेरा विश्‍वास है।
NRIs’ and PIOs’ have made outstanding contributions to their chosen fields. Among them, there are politicians of stature, scientists of repute, outstanding doctors, brilliant educationists, economists, musicians, famous philanthropists, journalists, bankers, engineers and lawyers. And, sorry! Did I mention our well known Information Technology professionals? Tomorrow, 30 overseas Indians will receive from the President, the prestigious Pravasi Bharatiya Samman Awards, which recognize contributions made by them in various fields, both in India and abroad.
Friends, E-respective of their background and profession, the welfare and safety of all Indians abroad is our top priority. For this, we are strengthening the entire eco-system of our administrative arrangements. Whether it is on loss of their passports; need for legal advice, medical assistance, shelter, or even transportation of mortal remains to India. I have directed all Indian embassies to be proactive to address problems of Indian nationals abroad.

Our response to the needs of the Indian nationals overseas is defined by Accessibility, sensitivity, speed and promptness. 24 by 7, help-lines by Indian Embassies; ‘Open House’ meetings with Indian nationals; consular camps; twitter seva for passport services; and use of social media platforms for immediate access; are some of the measures that we have put in place to convey a clear message that we are there for you when you need us.
The security of Indian nationals abroad is of utmost importance to us. हम पासपोर्ट का colour नहीं देखते हैं, खून का रिश्‍ता सोचते हैं। In institutions of distress faced by Indian nationals, we have reached out to ensure their safety, rescue and repatriation. Our External Affairs Minister Smt. Sushma Swaraj ji, has particularly been proactive and prompt in reaching out to distressed Indians abroad using social media.
Under Operation “संकट मोचन” in July 2016, we evacuated over one hundred and fifty Indian nationals from South Sudan within 48 hours. Prior to that, we evacuated several thousands of our citizens from conflict situations in Yemen in well-coordinated, smooth and swift co-operations. And the last two years – 2014 and 2016, we facilitated the repatriation of over ninety thousand Indian nationals from nearly 54 countries. Through the Indian Community Welfare Fund we have assisted more than eighty thousand Indian nationals abroad who were in contingency situations.
Our aim is that for every Indian abroad, home should never be far away. हम लोग छोटे तब सुनते थे, मामा का घर कितना दूर तो बोले दीया जले उतना दूर। भारत कितना दूर, उसको लगना चाहिए दीया जले उतना दूर, इतनी निकटता उसको महसूस होनी चाहिए। दुनिया के किसी भी देश में क्‍यों न रहता हो, उसको ये अपनापन महसूस होना चाहिए। For those workers who seek economic opportunities abroad, our effort is to provide maximum facilitation and ensure least inconvenience. Our motto is: "सुरक्षित जाएँ, प्रशिक्षित जाएँ, विश्‍वास के साथ जाएँ’’. For this, we have streamlined our systems and taken several measures to safeguard emigration of Indian workers. About six lakh Engineers emigrants have been granted Emigration Clearance online for overseas employment through registered recruitment agents. Online registration of foreign employers on e-Migrate portal has been made mandatory.

And, the grievances, complaints and petitions of the migrant workers continue to be addressed online through e-Migrate and “MADAD” platforms. We are also taking strict action against illegal recruitment agents in India. Prosecution sanctions by CBI or State Police against illegal agents; and increase in the amount of Bank Guarantee deposited by the recruiting agents from Rs.20 lakhs to Rs.50 lakhs; our some of the steps in this direction. To ensure that the migrating Indian workers enjoy better economic opportunities, we will shortly launch a skill development program - the “Pravasi Kaushal Vikas Yojana” targeted at Indian youth who seek overseas employment.
कभी-कभी जो पहली बार विदेश जाते हैं, ज्‍यादा पढ़े-लिखे नहीं हैं; अगर उनका वहां के देश की आवश्‍यकता के अनुसार यहीं पर उसका 15 दिन, एक महीने का कोर्स हो, उसकी development हो। मान लीजिए वो किसी देश में house keeping के काम के लिए जा रहा है, अगर यहां उसकी training होगी तो बड़े विश्‍वास के साथ जायेगा। और इसलिए ये ‘’प्रवासी कौशल विकास योजना’’ भारत से बाहर जाने वाले लोग एक value-added अवस्‍था में जाएं जिसके कारण एक नया वश्विास पैदा हो, उस‍ दिशा में हम प्रयास कर रहे हैं, और उससे मुझे लगता है जो गरीब तबके के लोग छोटे-छोटे काम करने के लिए जा रहे हैं, उनको ज्‍यादा लाभ होगा। कुछ लोगों को उस देश के कुछ sentences हैं, कुछ उस देश के manners हैं, कुछ cultural चीजें सीखने की जरूरी होती हैं। वो भी कितने ही पढ़े-लिखे व्‍यक्ति क्‍यों न हों, उसको काम आती हैं; उस पर भी हम बल दे रहे हैं, जिसको हम soft-skill कहते हैं। तो ऐसी व्‍यवस्‍थाएं जिसके कारण भारत का व्‍यक्ति विश्‍व में पैर रखते ही उसको कुछ भी पराया न लगे; औरों को भी वो अपना लगे और उसका आत्‍मविश्‍वास उस ऊंचाइयों को पार करने वाला हो जैसे वो सालों से उस भूमि को जानता है; वहां के लोगों को जानता है; वो तुरंत ही अपने आपको set कर सकता है, तो उस रूप में उसकी चिन्‍ता, व्‍यवस्‍था हम कर रहे हैं।
Friends. We have a special bond with the Indian Diaspora which is living in the Girmitiya countries – who are deeply and emotionally attached with their place of origin. We are aware of difficulties faced by Persons of Indian Origin from these countries in obtaining an OCI Card if they moved abroad four or five generations ago. We acknowledge their concerns and have made efforts to address these issues.
I am glad to announce that starting with Mauritius, we are working to put in place new procedures and documentation requirements so that the descendants of Girmitiyas from this country could become eligible for OCI Cards. We remain committed to addressing similar difficulties of PIOs in Fiji, Reunion Islands, Suriname, Guyana and other Caribbean States.
Like my request at the last Pravasi Bharatiya Divas, I would again encourage all PIO Card holders to convert their PIO Cards to OCI Cards. मैं बोलता रहता हूं, आग्रह भी करता हूं, लेकिन मैं जानता हूं कि आप लोग बहुत व्‍यस्‍त हैं और इसीलिए ये शायद काम रह जाता है। तो आपकी इस व्‍यस्‍तता को देखते हुए, I am happy to announce that we have extended the deadline for such conversion from 31 December 2016, until June 30, 2017 without any penalty. From least of January this year, beginning with airports in Delhi and Bengaluru, we have also set up special counters at immigration points in our airports for OCI Card holders.
Friends, Today, there are about 7 Lakh Indian students/ pursuing academic programs abroad. और मुझे भली भाति ज्ञात हैकि विदेश मे रह रहा हर भारतीय, भारत की प्रगति से जुड़ने के लए आतुर है। उनका ज्ञान, विज्ञान और भारत के ज्ञान का मिलन, भारत कोआर्थिक प्रगति को असीम उंचाईयों पर ले जायेगा।
मेरा सदैव यह प्रयास और विश्वास रहा है कि सक्षम तथा successful प्रवासियो को भारत की विकास गाथा से जुड़ने का सम्पूर्ण मौका मिलना चाहिए, खास तौर से विज्ञान तथा तकनीकी क्षेत्रों में and technology के field में।
इसके लिए हमने कई कदम उठाये है. One of them is that the Department of Science and Technology is launching Visiting Adjunct Joint Research Faculty or VAJRA scheme which enables NRIs and overseas scientific community to participate and contribute to research and development in India. Under the scheme an overseas Indian can work for one to three months in an institution in India. And, that too, at good terms और सब से महत्पूर्ण है कि प्रवासी भारतीय इसके द्वारा देश की प्रगति का एक अहम् हिस्सा बन सकता है।
Friends, it is my firm belief that connect between India and over-seas Indians should be sustained and enriching for both. To meet this goal, in October last year, महात्मा गाँधी की जन्मदिन पर, I had the honour of inaugurating the Pravasi Bharatiya Kendra in New Delhi. This Kendra is dedicated to the over-seas Indian community. We want it to become a symbol of the global migration, experiences, struggles, achievements and aspirations of the Indian Diaspora. I am confident that the Kendra will become another important platform for crystallizing ongoing efforts of the government to redefine its engagement with the over-seas Indian community.
Friends, हमारे प्रवासी भारतीय कई पीढि़यों से विदेशो में है। हर पीढ़ी के अनुभव ने भारत को और सक्षम बनाया है. जैसे नए पौधे पर हमारे भीतर अलग से एक स्नेह उभर आता है, उसी तरह विदेश में रह युवा प्रवासी भारतीय भी हमारे लिए अनमोल हैं, विशेष हैं। हम प्रवासी भारतीयों की युवा पीढ़ीयों से, young Pravasis से करीबी और मज़बूत और संपर्क और गहरा बनाना चाहते हैं।
To provide the young Indian-origin youth an opportunity to visit their Motherland and reconnect with their Indian roots, culture, and heritage– we have expanded the Government’s Know India Program, under which for the first time, six groups of young over-seas Indians are visiting India this year.
I am very happy to know that 160 of these young over-seas Indians are here today to participate in the Pravasi Bharatiya Divas. A special welcome to the young Pravasis– I hope that on returning to your respective countries, you will remain connected with us, wherever you are, and visit again, again and again India. Last year, the first edition of the online quiz competition for young overseas Indians called “Bharat ko Jaano” saw participation of more than 5000 young NRIs and PIOs. In the second edition this year, I hope to see the participation of at least fifty thousand young overseas Indians.
Young Friends, will you please help me in this mission? Will you please help me in this mission? Are you ready to work with me? Then why we can stop at 50 thousands?
Friends, आज भारत एक नयी प्रगतिशील दिशा की और अग्रसर है। ऐसी प्रगति जो न केवल आर्थिक है अपितु सामाजिक, राजनैतिक, और शासकीय भी है। आर्थिक क्षेत्र में, PIOs तथा NRIs के लिए FDI norms पूरी तरह liberalized है और FDI की मेरी दो परिभाषाएं हैं, One definition is FDI means foreign direct investment, and second is first develop India. Investments by PIOs on non-repatriation basis; and by companies, trusts and partnerships owned by them, are now deemed to be domestic investment at par with investments made by resident Indians. हमारे कई ऐसा programs हैं, जैसे Swachh Bharat, Mission Digital India, Start up India, जिनसे प्रवासी भारतीय भारत के सामान्य व्यक्ति के प्रगति से सीधाजुड़ सकते हैं. There are some amongst you who like to contribute in businesses and investments. Others may feel more comfortable supporting through contributions made to Swachh Bharat, Namami Gange and others.
Some others may feel motivated to spare their valuable time and efforts in volunteering in India helping the under-privileged or contributing to capacity building programs in various sectors.
We welcome all your efforts that seek to strengthen India’s partnership with the over-seas Indian community. I also invite you to visit the exhibition in the Pravasi Bharatiya congention (PBD Convention) which gives you a glimpse of some of the flagship programs that we have been implementing and see how you can partner with us.
Friends, यहां आने के बाद आपने सुना होगा, देखा होगा हमने भ्रष्‍टाचार के खिलाफ, काले धन के खिलाफ corruption और black money के खिलाफ एक बहुत बड़ा बीड़ा उठाया है। black money तथा corruption हमारी राजनीति तथा देश तथा समाज तथा शासन को धीरे, धीरे, धीरे, धीरे खोखला करता रहा है। और ये दुर्भाग्‍य है कि black money के कुछ राजनैतिक पुजारी हमारे प्रयासों को जनता के विरोधी दर्शाते हैं। corruption और काले धन को समाप्त करने में भारत सरकार की नीतियों का जो समर्थन प्रवासी भारतीयों ने किया है उसके लिए मैं आपका अभिनन्दन करता हूँ, आपका साधुवाद करता हूं, आपका धन्‍यवाद करता हूं।
Friends, Finally, I would like to say that as Indians, we have a common heritage that brings us all together. And, no matter where we may be around? Where we may be around the globe, it is in that common bond that we are strong. और इसलिए मेरे प्‍यारे देशवासियो आपने जो सपने संजो के रखे हुए हैं, आपके सपने हमारे संकल्‍प हैं और हम सब मिल करके उन सपनों को साकार करने के लिए अगर व्‍यवस्‍था में बदलाव जरूरी हो, अगर कानून नियमों में बदलाव की जरूरत हो, साहसिक कदम उठाने की जरूरत हो, हर एक को साथ लेकर चलने के लिए जो कुछ भी करना पड़े, करने की आवश्‍यकता हो ये सब करते हुए मैं विश्‍वास से कहता हूं 21वीं सदी हिन्‍दुस्‍तान की सदी है। बहुत-बहुत धन्‍यवाद ।
Thank You and Jai Hind.

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