National Cyber Security Policy 2013: An Assessment

With an aim to monitor and protect information and strengthen defences from cyber attacks, the National Cyber Security Policy 2013 was released on July 2, 2013 by the Government of India. The purpose of this framework document is to ensure a secure and resilient cyberspace for citizens, businesses and the government. With rapid information flow and transactions occurring via cyberspace, a national policy was much needed.

The document highlights the significance of Information Technology (IT) in driving the economic growth of the country. It endorses the fact that IT has played a significant role in transforming India’s image to that of a global player in providing IT solutions of the highest standards.

The Cyber Security Policy aims at protection of information infrastructure in cyberspace, reduce vulnerabilities, build capabilities to prevent and respond to cyber threats and minimize damage from cyber incidents through a combination of institutional structures, people, process, technology and cooperation. The objective of this policy in broad terms is to create a secure cyberspace ecosystem and strengthen the regulatory framework. A National and sectoral 24X7 mechanism has been envisaged to deal with cyber threats through National Critical Information Infrastructure Protection Centre (NCIIPC). Computer Emergency Response Team (CERT-In) has been designated to act as a nodal agency for coordination of crisis management efforts. CERT-In will also act as umbrella organization for coordination actions and operationalization of sectoral CERTs. A mechanism is proposed to be evolved for obtaining strategic information regarding threats to information and communication technology (ICT) infrastructure, creating scenarios of response, resolution and crisis management through effective predictive, prevention, response and recovery action.

The policy calls for effective public and private partnership and collaborative engagements through technical and operational cooperation. The stress on public-private partnership is critical to tackling cyber threats through proactive measures and adoption of best practices besides creating a think tank for cyber security evolution in future.

Another strategy which has been emphasized is the promotion of research and development in cyber security. Research and development of trustworthy systems and their testing, collaboration with industry and academia, setting up of ‘Centre of Excellence’ in areas of strategic importance from the point of view of cyber and R&D on cutting edge security technologies, are the hallmarks of this strategy laid down in the policy.

The policy also calls for developing human resource through education and training programmes, establishing cyber security training infrastructure through public private partnership and to establish institutional mechanisms for capacity building for law enforcement agencies. Creating a workforce of 500,000 professionals trained in cyber security in the next 5 years is also envisaged in the policy through skill development and training. The policy plans to promote and launch a comprehensive national awareness programme on security of cyberspace through cyber security workshops, seminars and certifications with a view to develop awareness of the challenges of cyber security amongst citizens.

The policy document aims at encouraging all organizations whether public or private to designate a person to serve as Chief Information Security Officer (CISO) who will be responsible for cyber security initiatives. Organizations are required to develop their information security policies properly dovetailed into their business plans and implement such polices as per international best practices. Provisions of fiscal schemes and incentives have been incorporated in the policy to encourage entities to install trustworthy ICT products and continuously upgrade information infrastructure with respect to cyber security.

The release of the National Cyber Security Policy 2013 is an important step towards securing the cyber space of our country. However, there are certain areas which need further deliberations for its actual implementation. The provisions to take care security risks emanating due to use of new technologies e.g. Cloud Computing, has not been addressed. Another area which is left untouched by this policy is tackling the risks arising due to increased use of social networking sites by criminals and anti-national elements. There is also a need to incorporate cyber crime tracking, cyber forensic capacity building and creation of a platform for sharing and analysis of information between public and private sectors on continuous basis.

Creating a workforce of 500,000 professionals needs further deliberations as to whether this workforce will be trained to simply monitor the cyberspace or trained to acquire offensive as well as defensive cyber security skill sets. Indigenous development of cyber security solutions as enumerated in the policy is laudable but these solutions may not completely tide over the supply chain risks and would also require building testing infrastructure and facilities of global standards for evaluation.

Indian Armed forces are in the process of establishing a cyber command as a part of strengthening the cyber security of defence network and installations. Creation of cyber command will entail a parallel hierarchical structure and being one of the most important stakeholders, it will be prudent to address the jurisdiction issues right at the beginning of policy implementation. The global debate on national security versus right to privacy and civil liberties is going on for long. Although, one of the objectives of this policy aims at safeguarding privacy of citizen data however, no specific strategy has been outlined to achieve this objective.

The key to success of this policy lies in its effective implementation. The much talked about public-private partnership in this policy, if implemented in true spirit, will go a long way in creating solutions to the ever-changing threat landscape.

Indo-US Defence Cooperation: Harvesting Defence Technologies

It is raining defence technologies these days. On top of as many as 17 technologies offered by the United States for transfer to India, another 24 are believed to be on the cards, taking the tally to 41.  

This is not all. Some time back, four ‘path finder’ projects were identified by the two countries for co-production of defence products based on comparatively simpler technologies. These were: the Raven unmanned aerial vehicle (UAV), ‘roll-on, roll-off’ intelligence-gathering and reconnaissance modules for the C-130J Super Hercules aircraft, mobile electric hybrid power sources, and uniform integrated protection ensemble increment-2 (chemical, biological warfare protection gear for soldiers).

Meanwhile, a group of Indian and US officials has kicked off a dialogue for cooperating on design, development and manufacture of the third aircraft carrier for India. With such technologies as nuclear propulsion and electromagnetic aircraft launch systems, India could come to possess one of the most sophisticated aircraft carrier fleets in the region.

It would be fair to assume that these are technologies that India requires but does not possess. If so, transfer of these technologies could give a much needed shot in the arm for modernisation of the armed forces, if one also factors in similar offers from some other countries.

Raining technologies it is, but their harvesting poses a challenge. Consider the fact that the first 10 of 41 technologies were offered by the US two years back and the remaining seven within less than a year of the first offer. It has been long enough since then for some decision to have been taken on these offers.

Last year, Frank Kendall, US Under Secretary of Defence for Acquisition, Technology and Logistics, had told reporters that the ‘groundbreaking’ offers made by the US included co-development and co-production of Javelin missiles, apart from helicopters, unmanned aerial vehicle (UAV) and artillery systems. Two of these offers seem to have run into rough waters.
The Army is believed to have recently rejected the US offer of the Raven mini-UAV, although as many as 35 Indian companies have offered to make the mini-UAV as per the Army’s specifications. As for the missiles, India decided to go ahead with the Israeli offer of the Spike anti-tank guided missile (ATGM) and launchers  instead of with the US offer of Javelin missiles which was projected as one of the ‘groundbreaking offers’.

Not that these developments amount to a big setback. At least one India-US project for co-development of lightweight protective clothing for soldiers seems to have recently been cleared by the Ministry of Defence (MoD). But, for the present, that seems to be all, unless one considers the tremendous strides made by India-US defence trade sans transfer of technology.

The US has emerged as the largest supplier of arms to India, surpassing Russia and Israel, thanks largely to its Foreign Military Sales (FMS) Programme, under which the MoD buys military equipment following the procedure laid down by the US. There is apparently great comfort for MoD officials in procuring equipment through the FMS route as the procedural propriety is underwritten by US agencies. Even so, the history of the past three years of the Defence Trade and Technology Initiative (DTTI) of the US Government, started in 2012, raises issues that have implications for the further growth of defence cooperation between India and the US.

The first issue arises from the piling up of US offers without corresponding Indian swiftness in responding to them. This flies in the face of DTTI’s objective of “strengthening India’s defense industrial base by moving away from the traditional ‘buyer-seller’ dynamic toward a more collaborative approach”. The UAV Raven and ATGM Spike episodes raise questions about the mechanism for identification of the technologies and projects for co-development and co-production.

Flooding the MoD with offers may be of little use unless the offers are in response to specific requirement projected by it. Equally importantly, sitting over offers does no good for India’s image as a country that means business, both literally and figuratively. For things to move fast, it is important that the initiative be driven by a crack team in the MoD.

Second, the Indian side has to be absolutely clear about what it wants and should place the specifics of the requirement on the table when talks take place in several groups that have been set up under the rubric of DTTI. There should be no more repeats of Raven and Spike episodes. There also has to be clarity within the MoD of where other countries, which want to do similar business with India, figure in the changing calculus of India’s strategic outreach.  

Third, there is no point in turning one’s back on the financials. The defence budget, especially the segment that funds capital acquisitions, is widely seen as inadequate for financing the modernisation needs of the armed forces. Any substantial increase in budgetary allocations seems unlikely. If anything, the pressure on the defence budget is likely to grow once the recommendations of the seventh pay commission start getting implemented, probably next year onward.

Funds are also required for making up the shortage in ammunition, improving operational serviceability of the equipment held by the armed forces and discharging the committed liabilities in respect of several ongoing contracts.

There is a need to do the math and press the co-development, co-production agenda to the extent it is financially viable. No one, at least from the private sector, would enter the monopsonic defence production market unless there are reasonable prospects of the products being bought.  Eventually, therefore, it is the MoD which will have to pay for whatever is manufactured as a result of joint efforts.

Fourth, even government-to-government talks cannot yield much unless there is clarity about procedures and the bureaucratic propensity to dawdle gives way to alacrity and boldness in decision-making.

There are no laid down procedures for procurement of technology per se. The existing procedures relate to procurement of equipment, weapon systems, myriad platforms and other tangible capabilities. Technology is relevant only if it is tied to one of these. Therefore, the existing procedures will have to be realigned to impart momentum for co-development and co-production projects under the cooperation agreements with other countries.

Ultimately, everything hinges on decision-making which has been the bane of defence acquisition in India. Something drastic needs to be done about it. It seems prophetic that one of the objectives of DTTI is to “transform the bilateral defense relationship into one that is limited only by independent strategic decisions, rather than bureaucratic obstacles or inefficient procedures”. This is the key to bilateral defence trade not just between India and the US but with every other country.

Pradhan Mantri Khanij Kshetra Kalyan Yojana

Pradhan Mantri Khanij Kshetra Kalyan Yojana 

Background

After agriculture, mining is the second largest employer in India. Most of India’s minerals are located in forest areas inhabited by tribal, backward and deprived population. It can be argued, that the nation’s unemployment problem could have been solved to a great extent, and inclusive development achieved with exemplary standards, had this sector been accorded the importance it deserves.

The present government, under the visionary and dynamic leadership of Prime Minister Shri Narendra Modi ji, amended the MMDR Act in early 2015. Amid other significant improvements, the new Act addressed two root issues underlying the mining sector:

a)      Reinvigorating the mining industry by bringing in transparency and laying greater emphasis on exploration

b)      Distributing the fruits of prosperity achieved through mining to affected people for stable mining atmosphere

It is for the latter cause, that for the first time in the history of India, a separate fund was earmarked and established exclusively for the social and economic upliftment of mining affected people and places. The MMDR Amendment Act 2015 provides for District Mineral Foundation, or DMF, and mandates that all State Governments have to establish a DMF in each district affected by mining operations. To preserve the virtues of Cooperative Federalism, the Act empowered State Governments to frame rules pertaining to DMF.

Addressing the nation at large from the ramparts of Red Fort on Independence Day 2015, Hon’ble Prime Minister Shri Modi ji announced that the government would introduce a scheme for the welfare of people and development of area affected by mining.

The Scheme

In September 2015, the Ministry of Mines has issued Guidelines for using the funds accruing to DMF. Called as the Pradhan Mantri Khanij Kshetra Kalyan Yojana (PMKKKY), this scheme will be binding on State Governments.

Encompassing all facets of development, social and economic, immediate and long-term, the Pradhan Mantri Khanij Kshetra Kalyan Yojana rests on three main objectives:

1.      To implement various developmental and welfare projects/programs in mining affected areas that complement the existing ongoing schemes/projects of State and Central Government

2.      To minimize/mitigate the adverse impacts, during and after mining, on the environment, health and socio-economics of people in mining districts; and

3.      To ensure long-term sustainable livelihoods for the affected people in mining areas.

The objective has been spelled out clearly so that the end goal remains prominent in its clarity: causing substantial improvement in the quality of life.

Highlights of the Scheme

Here are some pertinent facts concerning the scheme, which may come in handy for administrators, legislators and citizens concerned:

ü      The Scheme is applicable with effect from January 12, 2015

ü      Mining leases executed before 12th January, 2015 will have to contribute an amount equal to 30% of the royalty payable by them to the DMFs

ü      Mining leases granted after 12th January, 2015 through auction will contribute an amount equivalent to 10% of the royalty payable

ü      The total fund generated under this scheme is expected to be around Rs 6,000 crore per annum

The System in the Scheme

To ensure that PMKKKY serves to enhance lives of mining affected people on a sustained basis, the Government envisaged that the funds of DMF must also be spent in the most optimum way possible. It intended that the PMKKKY should function as a self-sustaining system of support, and not as one-time Government sop. Hence, it was crucial to guard this scheme against the trap of populist measures. Caveats have therefore been installed to ascertain that important tasks are not sacrificed at the hand of urgent tasks.

The scheme earmarks 60% of expenditure of this fund for high priority areas, and 40% towards other priority areas. Areas included under each head comprise:

High Priority Areas	Other Priority Areas
Drinking water supply	Physical infrastructure
Environment preservation and pollution control measures	Irrigation
Healthcare	Energy and Watershed Development
Education	Any other measures for enhancing environmental quality in mining district
Welfare of Women and Children
Welfare of aged and disabled people
Skill development
Sanitation

Intended beneficiaries of the Scheme

Cutting out all ambiguities, the PMKKKY clearly lays out the definition of:

1.      Directly affected areas: Where, inter-alia, direct mining-related operations such as excavation, mining, blasting, beneficiation and waste disposal etc. are located.

2.      Indirectly affected areas: Where local population is adversely affected on account of economic, social and environmental consequences due to mining-related operations. These could be deterioration of water, soil and air quality, reduction in stream flows and depletion of ground water etc.

3.      Affected people/ communities: Families identified as ‘Affected family’ and ‘Displaced family’ as per the Right to Fair Compensation and Transparency in Land Acquisition, Rehabilitation and Resettlement Act, 2013, and other families identified in consultation with Gram Sabha.

In line with these definitions, it mandates the DMF to maintain a list of people and places under these categories, who will be considered as the actual beneficiaries of the PMKKKY scheme. 

Special provisions for scheduled areas:

The process of utilization of PMKKKY funds shall be guided by the provisions contained in Article 244 read with Schedule V and Schedule VI to the Constitution relating to administration of the Scheduled Areas and Tribal Areas and the Provisions of the Panchayats (Extension to the Scheduled Areas) Act, 1996 and the Scheduled Tribes and Other Traditional Forest Dwellers (Recognition of Forest Rights) Act, 2006. The Gram Sabha of affected villages to have major say in approval of plans and inspection of reports.

Other features of the scheme:

·        The corpus of PMKKKY should, preferably, be dovetailed with the ongoing and existing welfare plans mooted by Centre/ State

·        An amount not exceeding 5% of the annual receipts of the Foundation subject to an upper limit fixed by state government may be utilised for administrative, supervisory and overhead costs of the Foundation

·        Staff/ manpower for implementing the PMKKKY scheme to be taken on contractual basis; no scope for permanent employment

·        For mining affected areas which fall under two districts, or a welfare plan that involves peoples/ places outside the district of operation, clear rules have been laid out in the guidelines

·        All work/ contracts to be awarded in accordance with rules issued by State Governments

·        Transfer of funds to agencies/ beneficiaries directly to bank account

·        Each DMF to maintain a website, and make public all data concerning details of self, beneficiaries, funds collected, minutes of meetings, action taken reports,  annual plans, status of ongoing projects etc.

·        The accounts of DMF to be audited every year, and included in its Annual Report

·        DMFs to prepare Annual Reports within three months of the end of Financial Year, should be laid before State Legislative Assembly and find place on its website

District-wise collection of Royalty in 2014-15

The district wise collection of mining royalty for 2014-15 for ten mineral rich states is given below. This gives planners and people a fair idea of the DMF collection they can expect in their district. And this is only the beginning, since auctions of new mines under the revamped law is yet to begin.

(tables come here)

Miles covered, and miles to go

As promised by the Prime Minister in his Independence Day speech, the PMKKKY has been devised as the dedicated fund for development of mining related areas. The other provisions of MMDR Amendment Act 2015 provide a facilitating and enabling environment for scientific, responsible, sustainable and transparent mining to flourish.

Together, we strive to create a nation which rides on its strengths, and has people at its heart.

Exercise Malabar – 15

Exercise Malabar – 15

Initiated in 1992, as a bilateral exercise between the Indian and US Navies, the scope, complexity of operations and level of participation has increased steadily in successive editions of the India-US Malabar Naval Exercise. The 18th edition of the exercise was held in the Western Pacific in July 2014 in which Japanese Maritime Self Defense Force (JMSDF) was invited to participate.

MALABAR-15, the 19th edition of the exercise, will be conducted in the Bay of Bengal from 14 -19 October 2015. Alongwith the Indian Navy and the US Naval Forces, JMSDF will also participate in the exercise. The scope of MALABAR-15 includes wide-ranging professional interactions during the Harbour Phase and a diverse range of operational activities at sea during the Sea Phase.

During MALABAR-15, the Indian Navy will be represented by INS Shivalik an indigenous frigate, INS Ranvijay a guided missile destroyer, INS Betwa an indigenous frigate and INS Shakti ¬¬¬¬a Fleet Support Ship. In addition, one Sindhugosh class submarine, INS Sindhudhvaj, Long Range Maritime Patrol Aircraft P8I and integral rotary wing helicopters are also scheduled to participate in the trilateral exercise.

The US Navy will be represented by the ships from Carrier Task Force (CTF) 70 of the USN 7th Fleet, which is based at Yokosuka, Japan. The CTF will include the Nimitz class aircraft carrier USS Theodore Roosevelt, Ticonderoga class Cruiser USS Normandy and Freedom Class Littoral Combat ship USS Forth Worth. In addition, one Los Angeles class nuclear powered submarine USS City of Corpus Christi, F18 Aircraft from US Carrier Air Wing and P8A Long Range Maritime Patrol Aircraft will also participate in the exercise.

The JMSDF will be represented by JS Fuyuzuki, a missile destroyer with SH 60K integral helicopter.

MALABAR – 15 is part of the process of enhancing naval cooperation among important navies of Indo-pacific regions which helps in enhancing mutual understanding. Sharing of best practices by the three navies will strengthen their respective capacities and help create better synergies for effective and speedy action to deal with challenges of disaster prevention and relief and maritime safety and security in the Indo-Pacific region, for the benefit of the global maritime community. 

Supreme Court strikes down NJAC; collegium system to stay

The five-judge bench, however, says that it would seek the assistance of lawyers to improve the collegium system; this will be heard on 3 November

In a huge blow to the government’s plan to overhaul the judicial appointment process, the Supreme Court on Friday struck down the constitutional amendment which introduced a six-member panel for selecting judges to the higher judiciary, declaring it unconstitutional. It also struck down the law which laid down the modalities for the panel, referred to as the National Judicial Appointments Commission (NJAC).

With this, the two-decade-old system of a small group or collegium of judges appointing judges to the apex court and high courts stands restored.

A five-judge bench comprising Justices J.S. Khehar, J. Chelameswar, Madan B. Lokur, Kurian Joseph and A. K. Goel, however, said that it would seek the assistance of lawyers to improve the collegium system. This will be heard on 3 November.

Four judges ruled in the majority, while justice Chelameswar was of the opinion that the two laws were constitutional.

The court also rejected a plea for referring the case to a larger bench to reconsider a 1993 nine-judge bench decision which introduced the collegium system and established the primacy of the judiciary in the appointment of judges.

The NJAC Act proposed that the six-member panel would comprise chief justice of India, two senior most apex court judges, the law minister and two eminent persons. These two eminent persons would have been chosen through a selection committee of the CJI, the prime minister and the leader of the opposition.

The 99th Constitution Amendment Act 2014 and the NJAC Act were first introduced in Parliament last year in August. Both houses swiftly passed the two bills.

President Pranab Mukherjee gave his assent to the two bills on 31 December after the government received ratification from as many as 16 states. That number had risen to at least 20, attorney general Mukul Rohatgi had told the court. The government notified the two laws on 13 April, amid the litigation which finally reached a five-judge constitution bench.

In hearings which saw the who’s who of the legal fraternity, the issue of the primacy of the judiciary in appointments was a consistent contention.

The government’s argument was that NJAC included all the stakeholders, and still allowed three members of the judiciary to have a say in appointments.

However, the numerous petitioners, including the Supreme Court Advocates-on-Record Association, Bar Association of India, and several senior lawyers, like Rajeev Dhavan and Ram Jethmalani, opposed the inclusion of the executive in the appointment of judges.

Text of PM’s address at the birth anniversary celebrations of Dr. APJ Abdul Kalam at DRDO Bhawan

Text of PM’s address at the birth anniversary celebrations of Dr. APJ Abdul Kalam at DRDO Bhawan

आज 15 अक्‍तूबर, श्रीमान अब्‍दुल कलाम जी की जन्‍म जयंती पर आप सब इकट्ठे हुए है। आज DRDO के परिसर में उनकी एक प्रतिमा का अनावरण करने का मुझे सौभाग्‍य मिला। यह बात सही है कि कलाम साहब का जीवन इतना व्‍यापक, विशाल और गहरा रहा है कि उनको याद करने का गर्व होता है, लेकिन साथ में एक कसक भी रहती है कि काश! वो हमारे साथ होते तो। तो ये जो कमी महसूस होती है, इसको कैसे भरना है, ये हम सब के लिए एक चुनौती है और मुझे विश्‍वास है कि अब्‍दुल कलाम जी के आशीर्वाद से उन्‍होंने हम देशवासियों को जो शिक्षा-दीक्षा दी है, उससे हम अवश्‍य उसको पूरा करने का भरपूर प्रयास करेंगे और वही उनको सबसे बड़ी अंजलि होगी।

वे राष्‍ट्रपति बने, मैं समझता हूं कि उससे पहले वे राष्‍ट्र रत्‍न थे। ऐसा बहुत कम होता है कि एक व्‍यक्‍ति पहले राष्‍ट्र रत्‍न बने और बाद में राष्‍ट्रपति पद को स्‍वीकार करे और वह उनके जीवन की ऊंचाइयों से जुड़ा हुआ था। भारत सरकार ने तय किया है कि जहां पर उनका जन्‍म हुआ और जहां पर उनकी अंत्‍येष्‍टि हुई, उस गांव में एक आने वाली पीढ़ियों को प्रेरणा दे, ऐसा स्‍मारक बनाया जाएगा। सरकार ने already वो जमीन acquire कर ली है। मैंने मंत्रियों की एक कमेटी भी बनाई है जो आने वाले दिनों में इसका आखिरी रूप तय करके, ऐसा कैसा स्‍मारक हो जो आने वाली पीढ़ियों को प्रेरणा देता रहे और कलाम साहब का जीवन हमेशा-हमेशा हम सबके लिए मार्गदर्शक बनता रहे।

दो बातें जो कलाम साहब की स्‍वाभाविक नजर आती हैं – एक तो उनके बाल। दूर से भी किसी को पता चलता है कि अब्‍दुल कलाम जी जा रहे हैं। और कुछ न बनाया हो, सिर्फ उनके बालों को किसी ने पेंट किया तो कह देगा कि हां, बाकी चेहरा कलाम साहब का होगा। लेकिन साथ-साथ एक और भी बात थी। जैसे उनके बाल थे, वैसा उनके भीतर एक बालक था। तो उनके बाल और उनके भीतर का बालक, ये दोनों, मैं समझता हूं हमेशा-हमेशा जो उनके निकट गए हैं उनको याद रहता है। इतनी सहजता, इतनी सरलता।

आमतौर पर वैज्ञानिकों के विषय में एक सोच ऐसी रहती है कि वो बड़े गंभीर चेहरा, उदासीन, Lab में ही डूबे रहने वाले, साल में कितनी बार मुस्‍कुराए वो भी शायद हिसाब लगाना पड़े। लेकिन कलाम साहब, हर पल एक बड़े जीवंत व्‍यक्‍तिव नज़र आता था। मुस्‍कुराते रहना, दौड़ते रहना और। दो प्रकार के लोग होते हैं, एक वो होते हैं जो Opportunity खोजते हैं, एक वो होते हैं जो Challenge खोजते हैं। कलाम साहब Challenges की तलाश में रहते थे। कौन-से नए Challenge है? उस Challenge को कैसे उठा ले और उस Challenge को पार कैसे करे और यही उनके हर पल जीवन में रहता था। आखिर तक!

जब भी मेरा बहुत निकट संबंध रहा क्‍योंकि जब मैं मुख्‍यमंत्री था तब भी उनका गुजरात बार-बार आना होता था। अहमदाबाद से उनका विशेष लगाव था क्‍योंकि उनके career की पहली शुरूआत उन्‍होंने अहमदाबाद में शुरू की थी और विक्रम साराभाई के साथ उन्‍होंने काम किया। तो उसके कारण उनका लगाव भी गुजरात के साथ बहुत था। तो मेरा भी उस समय उनसे संबंध बहुत रहता था। कच्‍छ का भूकंप हो या आपत्‍ति की इतनी बड़ी घटना हो, वो आना, छोटी-छोटी चीजों में guide करना और उस समय भूकंप की परिस्‍थिति के पुनरनिर्माण के काम में विज्ञान और technology का सहारा कैसे लिया जाए ताकि relief तेज गति से हो, rehabilitation तेज गति से हो, reconstruction तेज गति से हो, ऐसी हर बारीक चीज में वो मार्गदर्शन करते थे वो सहायता करते थे।

जीवन भर उनकी एक विशेषता रही है और किसी ने उनको पूछा था कि आपको कैसे याद रखा जाए और उन्‍होंने जवाब में कहा था कि मुझे शिक्षक के रूप में याद रखा जाए। ये शिक्षक का तो सम्‍मान है लेकिन साथ-साथ उनके जीवन का conviction क्‍या था, commitment क्‍या था, उसका भी परिचायक था। उनको लगता है कि भई 5-50 व्‍यक्‍तियों का समूह जरूर कुछ कर दिखा सकता है। लेकिन भारत जैसे देश ने पीढ़ियों तक आगे बढ़ने के लिए, प्रभाव पैदा करने के लिए तेज गति से चलना है तो आने वाली पीढ़ियों को तैयार करना होगा और वो एक टीचर तैयार कर सकता है और ये उनके सिर्फ शब्‍द नहीं थे, उनके पूरे जीवन में ही नजर आता है।

राष्‍ट्रपति पद से मुक्‍ति के दूसरे दिन... ये छोटी बात नहीं है। इतने बड़े पद पर रहने के बाद कल क्‍या करूं, कल कैसा जाएगा, कल से कैसा होगा? आप सब को मालूम है जब अफसर retired होता है तो क्‍या हो जाता है। यानी आज कहां खड़ा है और दूसरे दिन वो अपने आपको कहां महसूस करता है, वो अपने आपको एक खालीपन महसूस करता है। एकदम से वो लगता है बस, अब जीवन का अंत शुरू हो गया है, ऐसा ही मान लेता है। दिमाग में retirement भर जाता है। कलाम साहब की विशेषता देखिए कि राष्‍ट्रपति पद, इतनी बड़ी ऊंचाई और निवृत्‍ति भी आदर्श और गौरव के साथ। दूसरे ही दिन जहाज पकड़ के चैन्‍नई जाना, चैन्‍नई में क्‍लासरूम में पढ़ाना शुरू करना। ये भीतर के commitment के बिना संभव नहीं होता है। एक व्‍यक्‍ति ने अपने जीवन में उसको inherent कर दिया होता है, तब होता है और जीवन का अंत भी देखिए। कहां रामेश्‍वरम्, कहां दिल्‍ली, कहां दुनिया में जय-जयकार और कहां नॉर्थ ईस्‍ट। किसी को कहा जाए कि नॉर्थ ईस्‍ट जाओ तो कहे अरे साहब, किसी और का भेज दो। ऐसा करो अगली बार मैं जाऊंगा इस बार जरा कोई और को। वहां पर इस उम्र में जाना और student के साथ अपने आखिरी पल बिताना। ये उनके भीतर का एक जो एक सातत्‍य था, एक commitment था, उसको प्रतिबिंबित करता है।

भारत शक्‍तिशाली हो, लेकिन सिर्फ शस्‍त्रों से शक्‍तिशाली हो ये कलाम साहब की सोच नहीं थी। शस्‍त्रों का सामर्थ्‍य आवश्‍यक है और उसमें कोई कोताही नहीं बरतनी चाहिए और उसमें उन्‍होंने जितना योगदान दे सकते थे, दिया। लेकिन वो इसे मानकर के चलते थे कि देश सरहदों से नहीं, देश कोटि-कोटि लोगों से पहचाना जाता है। देश की पहचान सीमाओं के आधार पर तय नहीं होती है। देश की ताकत उसके जन कैसे सामर्थ्‍यवान है, उस पर होती है और इसलिए कलाम साहब उन दोनों धाराओं को साथ लेकर के चलते थे कि एक तरफ innovation हो, research हो, रक्षा के क्षेत्र में भारत अपने पैरों पर खड़ा हो और Third World Countries, गरीब देशों का भी उपकारक हो, उस दिशा में भारत अपनी जगह बनाए और दूसरी तरफ भारत का मानव समुदाय संपन्‍न हो।

वे शिक्षा के बड़े आग्रही थे। वे हमेशा कहते थे, योग का महत्‍व समझाते थे और उसके साथ वो commitment भी था उनका। religion को spiritualism में convert करना चाहिए। spiritualism को प्राधान्‍य देना चाहिए। ये उनका conviction था। यानी, एक प्रकार से समाज जीवन में किन मूल्‍यों की आवश्‍यकता है, उन मूल्‍यों पर वो बल देते थे। शायद ये बड़ी हिम्‍मत का काम है, लेकिन वो करते थे। किसी भी समारोह में जाते थे और वहां student मिल गए तो फिर वो खिलते थे। उनका लगता था कि हां, एक ऐसे में बगीचे में आया हूं जहां ये फूल खिलने वाले हैं। उनको तुरंत feel होता था, एकदम से उनका natural connect होता था और ऐसे समारोह में वो बाद में संकल्‍प करवाते थे। एक-एक वाक्‍य बच्‍चों से बुलवाते थे। ये कठिन इसलिए है आज के जमाने में क्‍योंकि इस प्रकार की बात करो तो दूसरे दिन पता नहीं कितने-कितने विवाद खड़े हो जाते हो। लेकिन वे कभी इन चिंताओं में नहीं रहे। हर बार उस संकल्‍प को दोहराते रहे। क्‍या हम जब भी कलाम साहब को याद करेंगे, जहां भी कलाम साहब की चर्चा होगी, उन संकल्‍प के संबंध में, उसको लोगों में सार्वजनिक रूप से बार-बार कैसे लाए? उनका संकल्‍प था, जो हमें बताया जाता था, उसको चरितार्थ करना, ये हमारा दायित्‍व बनता है। उस दायित्‍व को पूरा करने के लिए हमारी नई पीढ़ी को हम कैसे तैयार करें? उस संकल्‍प को बार-बार दोहराते जाए कि ये परंपरा चलती रहे और चेतना जगाने का प्रयास निरंतर चलता रहे, उस दिशा में हम कैसे प्रयास करे।

आज विश्‍व में भारत अपना एक विशेष स्‍थान बनाता जा रहा है। दुनिया किसी जमाने में भारत को एक बड़े market के रूप में देखती थी। आज विश्‍व ने भारत को एक सहयात्री के रूप में देखना शुरू किया है। भारत की तरफ देखने का दुनिया का नजरिया बदला है। लेकिन आर्थिक संपन्‍नता ही या सिर्फ market ही हमें drive करेगा क्‍या?

आने वाले दिनों में हमारे पास innovation के लिए बहुत संभावनाएं हैं। Eight hundred million, Thirty Five से नीचे जनसंख्‍या जहां हो, 65 प्रतिशत जनसंख्‍या 35 से नीचे हो। आज IT के कारण दुनिया में हमने अपनी जगह बना दी उसका कारण innovation था। हम innovation को बल कैसे दें। हम कलाम साहब की हर जन्‍म जयंती पर DRDO में एक ऐसा seminar organize कर सकते हैं क्या? एक दिन, दो दिन, तीन दिन जो भी हो इसमें young scientist हो, innovation करने वाले लोग हो या जिनका scientific temper का spark जिसके अंदर हो, ऐसे बच्‍चे हो। कभी स्‍कूल के बच्‍चों का एक-आध दिन कार्यकाल हो, कभी innovation में लगे हुए 35 से नीचे young scientist. इनको बुला करके इन्‍हीं विषयों पर सेमीनार हमेशा-हमेशा, कलाम साहब को याद करना मतलब innovation को promote करना। यह हमें परंपरा बना सकती है। तो उनकी जन्‍म जयंती को बनाने में हम एक नई जिम्‍मेदारी की ओर भी समाज को लेते चले जाएंगे और वह उनके लिए सबसे बड़ा संतोष का विषय बन सकता है, ऐसा मुझे लगता है।

दुनिया में अब भारत को उस विषय पर सोचने की आवश्‍यकता है कि हम विश्‍व को क्‍या दे सकते हैं। हम क्‍या बन सकते हैं? क्‍या हो सकते हैं? या कोई हमारे लिए क्‍या कर सकता है? उससे थोड़ा ऊपर जा करके थोड़ा हट करके हमारी वो ऐसी कौन सी विरासत है, जो हम विश्‍व को दे सकते हैं। और जो विश्‍व सहज रूप से स्‍वीकार करेगा और जो विश्‍व के कल्‍याण के लिए काम आयेगा। हमने उन पहलुओं पर धीरे-धीरे अपने आप को तैयार करना चाहिए।

आज पूरा विश्‍व cyber crime को ले करके बड़ा परेशान है। क्‍या हमारे नौजवान वो innovation करे, जिसमें cyber security की गारंटी के लिए भारत की पहल हो। भारत एक ऐसी जगह हो जहां cyber security के लिए पूरी संभावनाएं है। जितनी सीमा सुरक्षा महत्‍व की बनी है, उतनी ही cyber की security महत्‍व पर बनी है। तभी भी विश्‍व बदलता चला जाता है, उसमें हम किस प्रकार से contribute कर सकते हैं? हमारी खोज, हमारे विज्ञान, हमारे संसाधन, common man की जिंदगी में बदलाव ला सकते हैं। quality of life में कोई change ला सकते हैं। भारत गरीब देश रहा है। हमारे यह सारे संसाधन, संशोधन यह सब कुछ गरीब की quality of life में बदलाव लाने के लिए हो सकता है। अब हमने 2022 तक हर गरीब को घर देने का सोचा है। अब उसमें हमें नई टेक्‍नोलॉजी, नई चीजें लानी पडेंगी। वो कौन से material से अच्‍छे मकान बन सकते हैं, वो नई खोज करनी पड़ेगी। वो कौन सी technique होगी कि जिसके कारण fastest मकान बना सकते हैं। वो कौन सी technique होगी जिससे हम low cost मकान बना सकते हैं। क्‍यों न हो? कलाम साहब चाहते थे देश के किसान का कल्‍याण करना है। देश के गरीब का कल्‍याण है, तो हमारी नदियों को जोड़ना। यह नदियों को जोड़ना सिर्फ परपरागत engineering work से होने वाला नहीं है। हमें innovation चाहिए, expertise चाहिए, space science की मदद चाहिए। इन सारी बातों को करके हम क्‍या लोगों की जिंदगी में बदलाव ला सकते हैं? यह हमारी रोजमर्रा की जिंदगी है, जिसमें हमें बदलाव लाना है।

आज भी दुनिया में प्रति हेक्‍टर जो crop है उसकी तुलना में हमारा बहुत कम है। आज दुनिया में प्रति cattle जितना milk मिलता है, उसकी तुलना में हमारा कम है। वो कौन से वैज्ञानिक तरीके हों, वो कौन सा वैज्ञानिक temper हो जो किसान के घर तक पहुंचे, पशुपालक के घर तक पहुंचे? ताकि उसकी जिंदगी में बदलाव आए। और इसलिए विज्ञान को हमने सामान्‍य मानव की जिंदगी में बदलाव लाने के लिए उस applicable science को कैसे लाया जाए? उस technology को कैसे हम innovate करें। यह ठीक है DRDO में जो लोग बैठे हैं उनका क्षेत्र अलग है। लेकिन उसके बावजूद भी, यह वो बिरादरी है, जिसका innovation, विज्ञान, खोज यह उसके सहज प्रकृति के हिस्‍से हैं। हम धीरे-धीरे उसको expand करते हुए, अब्‍दुल कलाम जी को याद करते हुए, हम देश को क्‍या दे सकते है? और यही ताकत दुनिया को देने की ताकत बन सक‍ती है।

और कभी-कभार हम पढ़ते है जब सुनते हैं कि भई, हमारे यहां किसान अन्‍न पैदा करता है, लेकिन काफी मात्रा में बर्बाद हो जाता है। क्‍या उपाय हो सकते हैं? हर प्रकार के उपाय हो सकते हैं। temporary भी क्‍यों न हो उसके रख-रखाव की व्‍यवस्‍था क्‍या हो सकती हैं? ऐसी बहुत सी चीजें हैं, जिसमें हमने हमारी परंपरा की पुरानी पद्धतियों में से प्रेरणा लेना, नई innovation करना और उसमें से नए equipment तैयार करना, व्‍यवस्‍थाएं खड़ी करना, जो विज्ञान के द्वारा समाज जीवन में परिवर्तन का एक कारण बन सकते हैं, सहारा बन सकते हैं।

विश्‍व जिस प्रकार से बदल रहा है, उसमें सामूहिक सुरक्षा एक बहुत बड़ा विषय बनता जा रहा है। Blue Economy की तरफ दुनिया बढ़ रही है। अब जब Blue Economy की तरफ बढ़ रही है, तब समुद्रिक जीवन में उसके साथ जुड़े हुए व्‍यापार से भी संबंध है, सामुद्रिक खोज एक बहुत बड़ा क्षेत्र अधूरा पड़ा है। संपदाओं का अपरंपार भंडार सामुद्रिक संपत्ति में पड़ा हुआ है। लेकिन at the same time मानव जात के सामने चुनौती है Blue Sky, Environment, Climate दुनिया में आज चिंता और चर्चा के विषय है। और इसलिए Blue Economy जो सामुद्रिक शक्ति की चिंता भी करें और Blue Sky बचा रहे हैं उसकी भी चिंता करे। उस प्रकार की technology का हमारा innovation कैसा है? हमारा manufacturing जब हम कहते हैं कि zero defect-zero effect. हम ग्‍लोबली जाना चाहते हैं कि हमारे innovation की स्थिति कैसे बने कि हमारे manufacture में कोई defect भी न हो और उसके कारण environment पर कोई effect भी न हो। जब हम इन चीजों को ले करके चलेंगे, मैं समझता हूं कि हमारे युवा वैज्ञानिकों के सामने चुनौतियां हैं। और देश के युवा वैज्ञानिक अब्‍दुल कलाम साहब ने जो हमें रास्‍ता दिखाया, अब्‍दुल कलाम साहब के जीवन की स्‍वयं की यात्रा तो सामान्‍य गरीब परिवार से निकले यहां तक पहुंचे, लेकिन वो जिस क्षेत्र में गए वहां भी वैसे ही हाल था। अभी हमने देखा रॉकेट का एक Part साइकिल पर ले जा रहे थे। यानी institute भी इतनी गरीब थी, इस गरीबी वाले institute से जुड़ करके इतनी बड़ी विशाल संस्‍था का निर्माण कर दिया। सिर्फ पूरा अपनी व्‍यक्ति का जीवन गरीब झोपड़ी से ले करके राष्‍ट्रपति भवन तक आए ऐसा नहीं, जहां गए वहां, जहां था उसको उत्‍तम और बड़ा बनाने का भरपूर सफल प्रयास किया। यह अपने आप में बहुत बड़ा योगदान है। और उस अर्थ में हम भी जहां हो वहां, नई ऊंचाईयों को पार करने वाली अवस्‍था कैसे पैदा कर सकते हैं। उसके लिए हम और योगदान क्‍या दे सकते हैं?

कलाम साहब का जीवन सदा-सर्वदा हमें प्रेरणा देता रहेगा। और हम सब अपने संकल्‍पों को पूरा करने के लिए जी जान से जुटेंगे। इसी एक अपेक्षा के साथ कलाम साहब को शत-शत वंदन करता हूं और उनका जीवन सदा-सर्वदा हमें प्रेरणा देता रहे इसी एक आशा-अपेक्षा के साथ बहुत-बहुत शुभकामनाएं। बहुत-बहुत धन्‍यवाद।

Microsoft CEO Satya Nadella, his IAS father, Naxalism and “dead revolutionaries of Srikakulam”

EVERYONE knows who Satya Nadella is. No prize for guessing it. He is the CEO of Microsoft. But some of you may be unaware of a factoid -- Nadella is the son of an IAS officer named BN Yugandhar. Yugandhar, a 1962 batch IAS had trained and influenced many officers including former foreign secretary Nirupama Rao in Mussoorie academy. Later he became a member of Planning Commission of India, now called NITI Aayog. On Saturday night, as Prime Minister Narendra Modi attended the Digital India dinner at San Jose of Silicon Valley, Nadella referred to an incident of Naxalism that he…
as a child in 1970 (his father was a DM in Srikakulam in Andhra Pradesh) had witnessed. That incident, according to Nadella's own word still haunts him. He was just three-year-old then. He talked about the photographs of two “dead revolutionaries”, who had left teaching to join Naxalism. Nadella’s simple point was that if today’s technology and the opportunities associated with it, had been available during that point of time, those teachers in rural India would not have probably taken arms. Nadella did not however use the word “Naxal”, “Maoism” or “Left extremism” but he clearly meant so.
Here is what Nadella said in his address, as PM Modi was seen carefully listening to: “In my early childhood in a remote district of India, one afternoon, I saw two photographs that haunt me still. I saw pictures of two people who were laying overturned charpoys with two Philips transistor radios next to them. In subsequent years, I came to understand much more about these two people. What I saw that day were two photographs of dead revolutionaries. The year was 1970 and the district was Srikakulam. They were schoolteachers who decided to leave teaching. I think about their lives and lives of others who followed similar path. I think about those people who could have achieved with true empowerment of technology and other resources. All of these lead me to think about the future. What opportunities can be unlocked, what change can be sparked, what students can be inspired to reach new potential to help shape a better world. Since 1970, our technology, economy and society have progressed in tandem. In 2015, it’s clear to me that now is the time for us collectively to come together and empower people from all over the world…Srikakulam to East Palo Alto (a city in California) to make their hopes a reality”.
After his speech, one Anjali Mody tweeted, addressing former foreign secretary and ex-Indian ambassador to US Nirupama Rao: “@NMenonRao his father was DM in srikakulam & was one of v few who believed that there had to be a socio-econ solution & not a police-led one.”
Rao replied: “I am aware of that. His father was one of my instructors during my training period in Mussoorie”.
In fact, Nadella’s father-in-law KR Venugopal is also a 1962 batch IAS. Both Venugopal and Yugandhar were secretaries to former Prime Minister P V Narasimha Rao.
Significantly, Left extremism began in West Bengal’s Naxalbari in 1967 (the name Naxalite came from that). But it soon spread to various places in India including Srikakulam in Andhra Pradesh that Nadella was talking about. In Andhra Pradesh, there were instances of IAS officers being kidnapped by the Naxalites to get their cadres released from jail.