Shri Pranab Mukherjee on the occasion of the presentation of national tourism awards at Vigyan Bhavan on 18 September 2015

Address by President of India, Shri Pranab Mukherjee on the occasion of the presentation of national tourism awards at Vigyan Bhavan on 18 September 2015

Ladies and Gentlemen:

I am, indeed, delighted to be here today. I join you in felicitating achievers in India’s Tourism industry. These exceptional individuals and institutions have distinguished themselves through their dedication in promoting India as a tourist destination. They have made outstanding contributions to the development of our tourism sector in terms of quality and capacity. I would like to congratulate the award winners. The honours conferred today will, no doubt, reinforce the commitment of all the stakeholders in the tourism sector and motivate them to work with renewed vigour for its expansion and growth.

Ladies and Gentlemen:

Tourism in our country is an agent of development and an engine for economic growth and employment generation. Trained human resource is an important component for the development of any sector. I am happy to know that the Ministry of Tourism has paid attention for creating trained human resources to meet the requirements of the tourism sector and the hospitality industry. The Institutes of Hotel Management (IHMs), Indian Institute of Tourism and Travel Management (IITTM) and Food Craft Institutes (FCIs) provide avenues for getting education and training to serve in the tourism sector. The ‘Hunar-se-Rozgar Tak’ scheme of the Ministry of Tourism under which training is being provided to the youth is a laudable initiative for bringing social equity and employment opportunities to the weaker sections of the society.

In 2014, a total 1282 million domestic visits in India were recorded. In that year, India had 7.68 million foreign tourist arrivals registering a growth of 10.2 percent over the previous year. However, it comprised a mere 0.7 percent of the international tourist arrivals worldwide, which was 1.1 billion. Hence, there is tremendous scope for a manifold rise in tourist arrivals from abroad. The foreign exchange earnings from the tourism sector during 2014 were Rs. 1.2 lakh crore with a growth rate of 14.5 percent. I am glad to share with you that the implementation of e-Tourist Visa, for 113 countries, is showing excellent results. Many of the high potential countries like USA, UK, Spain, Malaysia, Germany, etc. now have the e-Tourist Visa facility. During January to July, 2015, close to 1.5 lakh tourists arrived on our soil through e-Tourist Visa.

With the growth of the Indian economy and the increase in disposable income of our people, we may expect tourist inflows to remain on a positive trajectory in the years to come. We must pay focussed attention to the building of a high quality tourism infrastructure in the country. The launch of two initiatives - Swadesh Darshan and PRASAD (Pilgrimage Rejuvenation and Spiritual Augmentation Drive) - aiming at integrated development of circuits and pilgrim centres would go a long way in achieving this objective.

The safety mechanisms that we create, the precautions that we put in place must reassure our guests - so that they never have to be apprehensive about their personal safety or that of their belongings. The Ministry of Tourism has taken the initiative to address the safety concerns of the tourists by launching 24x7 Incredible India Helpline to provide the tourists valuable information and to guide them during emergencies. The ‘Welcome Booklet’ being distributed at immigration counters containing information on Dos and Don’ts for tourists would also be a helpful aid for foreign tourists immediately on their arrival.

Inconsistent sanitation standards would, similarly, have a negative impact. This would be unfortunate – especially at a time when our tourism industry is projecting the unique beauty of our cultural sites, the scenic splendour of our adventure destinations and the richness of our architectural heritage. The Ministry of Tourism’s ‘Swach Bharat-Swach Parayatan campaign’ to promote cleanliness and hygiene at tourist destinations is a welcome step in the right direction. It calls for all stakeholders to work together to achieve this goal in all aspects of the “India” experience. I would also stress that it is essential for the Tourism Ministry to take the lead and set the highest standards in this regard. It is equally important to develop systems for effective monitoring to ensure that these standards are maintained by establishments across the board.

Quicker access to distant locations, larger disposable incomes and rising lifestyle aspirations now characterise the growing numbers of travellers. I urge the tourism industry to consciously plan its investments in a manner that the growth of this sector is sustained without compromising our natural and cultural heritage. New and innovative methods should be introduced to conserve energy and water. It should be incumbent on tourist establishments and hospitality units to operate in a way that they are able to reduce water and energy consumption, cut down on the generation of waste, improve waste management and ensure creative recycling and efficient waste disposal.

Ladies and Gentlemen:

Broader social contacts between tourists and receiving communities go a long way in enhancing mutual understanding, tolerance, and awareness between peoples. Tourism translates into closer collaboration and cultural exchanges across the nation and with distant communities all over the world.

India offers one of the best tourism experiences in the world and I have no doubt that collectively we can earn India its rightful place in the tourism map of the world.

I once again congratulate all those whose initiatives and hard work have won recognition today. I wish all of you great success in growing and expanding our tourism industry in the years to come. 

PM’s address at the function organized by Rickshaw Sangh in Varanasi

Text of the PM’s address at the function organized by Rickshaw Sangh in Varanasi

विशाल संख्या में आए भाईयो और बहनों,

यहां जो कार्यक्रम हो रहा है, ये कार्यक्रम सिर्फ कुछ गरीब परिवारों का जीवन बदलेगा, ऐसा नहीं है। ये कार्यक्रम एक ऐसी शुभ शुरूआत है, जो काशी के भाग्‍य को बदलेगा। यहां के गरीब के जीवन में अगर हम थोड़ा सा आवश्‍यक बदलाव ला ले, समय के आधारित जीवन में technology का प्रवेश करें, तो गरीब से गरीब व्‍यक्‍ति की पहले जितना परिश्रम करके कमाता था, उससे भी थोड़ा कम परिश्रम करके, वो ज्‍यादा कमा सकता है। आज यहां उस प्रकार की सुविधाएं दी जा रही हैं, जिसमें बैंक का सहयोग है, American Foundation का सहयोग है, भारत सरकार बहुत बड़ी मात्रा में इन चीजों को promote कर रही है और गरीब को सबसे पहला प्रयास है कि वो आत्‍मनिर्भर कैसे बने।

हम करीब-करीब पिछले 40-50 साल से गरीबी हटाओ, इस बात को सुनते आए हैं। हमारे देश में चुनावों में भी गरीबों का कल्‍याण करने वाले भाषण लगातार सुनने को मिलते हैं। हमारे यहां राजनीति करते समय कुछ भी करते हो लेकिन सुबह-शाम गरीबों की माला जपते रहना, ये एक परंपरा बन गई है। इस परंपरा से जरा बाहर आने की जरूरत है और बाहर आने का मतलब है कि क्‍या हम प्रत्‍यक्ष रूप से गरीबों को साथ ले करके, गरीबी से मुक्‍ति का अभियान चला सकते हैं क्‍या? अब तक जितने प्रयोग हुए हैं, उन प्रयोगों से जितनी मात्रा में परिणाम चाहिए था, वो देश को मिला नहीं है। गरीब की जिन्‍दगी में भी जिस तेजी से बदलाव आना चाहिए, वो बदलाव हम ला नहीं पाए हैं। मैं किसी सरकार को दोष देना नहीं चाहता हूं, किसी दल को दोष देना नहीं चाहता हूं, लेकिन कुछ अच्‍छा करने की दिशा में एक नए सिरे से गरीबों के कल्‍याण के लिए मूलभूत बातों पर focus करना। वो कौन सी चीजें करें ताकि गरीब जो सचमुच में मेहनत करने को तैयार है, गरीबी की जिन्‍दगी से बाहर निकलने को तैयार है। आप किसी भी गरीब को पूछ लीजिए, उसे पूछिए कि भाई क्‍या आप अपने संतानों को ऐसी ही गरीबी वाली जिन्‍दगी जीएं, ऐसा चाहते हो कि अच्‍छी जिन्‍दगी जीएं चाहते हो। गरीब से गरीब व्‍यक्‍ति भी ये कहेगा कि मैं मेरे संतानों को विरासत मैं ऐसी गरीबी देना नहीं चाहता। मैं उसे एक ऐसी जिन्‍दगी देना चाहता हूं कि जिसके कारण वो अपने कदमों पर खड़ा रहे, सम्‍मान से जीना शुरू करें और अपनी जिन्‍दगी गौरवपूर्व बताएं, ऐसा हर गरीब मां-बाप की इच्‍छा होती हैं। उसको वो पूरा कैसे करें। आज कभी हालत ऐसी होती है कि वो मजदूरी करता है, लेकिन अगर थोड़ा-सा skill development कर दिया जाए, उसको थोड़ा हुनर सिखा दिया जाए तो पहले अगर वो सौ रुपया कमाता है, थोड़ा हुनर सिखा दिया तो वो 250-300 रुपए कमाना शुरू कर देता है और एक बार हुनर सीखता है तो खुद भी दिमाग लगाकर के उसमें अच्‍छाई करने का प्रयास करता है और इसलिए भारत सरकार ने एक बहुत बड़ा अभियान चलाया है skill development का, कौशल्‍यवर्धन का। गरीब से गरीब का बच्‍चा चाहे स्‍कूल के दरवाजे तक पहुंचा हो या न पहुंचा हो, या पांचवीं, सातवीं, दसवीं, बारहवीं पढ़कर के छोड़ दी हो, रोजी-रोटी तलाशता हो। अगर उसे कोई चीज सिखा ली जाए तो वो देश की अर्थनीति को भी बल देता है, आर्थिक गतिविधि को भी बल देता है और स्‍वयं अपने जीवन में कुछ कर-गुजरने की इच्‍छा रखता है और इसलिए छोटी-छोटी चीजें ये कैसे develop करे उस दिशा में हमारा प्रयास है।

आज मैं यहां ये सब ई-रिक्‍शा वाले भाइयों से मिला। मैंने उनको पूछा क्‍या करोगे, चला पाओगे क्‍या? तो उन्‍होंने कहा साहब पहले से मेरा confidence level ज्‍यादा है। मैंने कहा क्‍यों? वो मेरा skill development हो गया। उसे skill शब्‍द भी आता था। बोले मेरा skill development हो गया। बोले मेरी training हुई और मेरा पहले से ज्‍यादा विश्‍वास है। पहले मैं pedal वाले रिक्‍शा चलाता था। मैंने कहा speed कितनी रखोगे? बोले साहब मैं कानून का पालन करूंगा और मैं कभी ऐसा न करूं ताकि मेरे परिवार को भी कोई संकट आए और मेरे passenger के परिवार को भी संकट आए, ऐसा मैं कभी होने नहीं दूंगा और काशी की गलियां तो छोटी है तो वैसे भी मुझे संभाल के चलना है। उसकी ये training हुई है। काशी में दुनिया भर के लोग आते हैं। काशी का tourism कैसा हो, काशी कैसा है, काशी के लोग कैसे है? उसका पहला परिचय यात्री को किसके साथ होता है, रिक्‍शा वाले के साथ होता है। वो उसके साथ किस प्रकार से व्‍यवहार करता है, वो उसके प्रति किस प्रकार का भाव रखता है, उसी से उसकी मन में छवि बनती है। अरे भाई, ये तो शहर बहुत अच्‍छा है। यहां के रिक्‍शा वाले भी इतने प्‍यार से हमारी चिन्‍ता करते हैं, वहीं से शुरू होता है और इसलिए यहां जो टूरिस्‍टों के लिए एक स्‍पेशल रिक्‍शा का जो सुशोभन किया गया है, कुछ व्‍यवस्‍थाएं विकसित की गई हैं। मैं उनसे पूछ रहा था, मैंने कहा आप Guide के नाते मुझे सब चीजें बता सकते हों, बोले हां बता सकता हूं। मैं हर चीज बता सकता हूं रिक्‍शा चलाते-चलाते और बोले मुझे विश्‍वास है कि मेरे रिक्‍शा में जो बैठेगा, उसको ये संतोष होगा कि काशी उसको देखने को सहज मिल जाएगा। चीजें छोटी-छोटी होती हैं, लेकिन वे बहुत बड़ा बदलाव लाती है।

आज चाहे pedal रिक्‍शा को आधुनिक कैसे किया जाए, pedal रिक्‍शा से ई-रिक्‍शा की ओर shifting कैसे किया जाए, यात्रियों की सुविधाओं को कैसे स्‍थान दिया जाए, बदलते हुए युग में environment friendly technology का कैसे उपयोग किया जाए? इन सारी बातों का इसके अंदर जोड़ हैं और सबसे बड़ी बात है उनके परिवार की। आज इसमें जो लोग select किए गए हैं, वो वो लोग है, जिनकी खुद की कभी रिक्‍शा नहीं थी। वो बेचारे किराए पर रिक्‍शा लेकर के दिनभर मजदूरी करते थे। 50 रुपया, 60 रुपया उस रिक्‍शा मालिक को उनको देना पड़ता था। बचा-खुचा घर जाकर के ले जाता था। बच्‍चों के लिए डबलरोटी साथ ले जाता था, उसी से रात का गुजारा हो जाता था। इस प्रयोग का सबसे बड़ा लाभ उन गरीब रिक्‍शा वालों को है कि अब उनको वो जो ऊंचे ब्‍याज से पैसे देने पड़ते थे, उससे अब मुक्‍ति हो गई। अब वो जो पैसे होंगे वो बैंक के बहुत ही कम rate से पैसा जमा करेगा और कोई साल के अंदर और कोई दो साल में इस रिक्‍शा का मालिक हो जाएगा। जब उसे पता है, इसका मतलब ये हुआ कि उसकी ये बचत होने वाली है। ये पैसे उसके किसी ओर की जेब में नहीं जाने वाले, खुद की जेब में जाने वाले है ताकि वो एक साल-दो साल के बाद इसका मालिक बन जाने वाला है और मुझे विश्‍वास है कि इस प्रकार की व्‍यवस्‍था के कारण आने वाले दिनों में जितने परिवार है, उनको फिर गरीबी की हालत में रहने की नौबत नहीं आएगी, वो आगे बढ़ेंगे।

मैंने उनसे पूछा कि बच्‍चों को पढ़ाओगे क्‍या? बोले साहब अब तक तो कभी-कभी मन में रहता था कि कितना पढ़ाऊं, कहां से पैसा लाऊं, लेकिन ये जो आपने व्‍यवस्‍था की है, अब मैं आपको विश्‍वास दिलाता हूं, मैं बच्‍चों को पढ़ाऊंगा। मेरी बात तो ये पांच-छह लोगों के साथ हुई है लेकिन यहां जिन लोगों को आज रिक्‍शा मिल रही है, उन सबसे मेरा आग्रह है कितनी ही तकलीफ क्‍यों न हो, मेरे प्रति नाराजगी व्‍यक्‍त करनी है, तो जरूर करना, आपको हक है। लेकिन बच्‍चों को पढ़ाई से कभी खारिज मत करना, बच्‍चों की पढ़ाई को प्राथमिकता देना। गरीबी के खिलाफ लड़ाई लड़ने का सबसे बड़ा औजार और सस्‍ते से सस्‍ता औजार कोई है, तो अपनी संतानों को शिक्षा देना। अगर हम अपने बच्‍चों को शिक्षा देंगे, तो दुनिया की कोई ताकत नहीं है जो हमें गरीब रहने के लिए मजबूर कर दे। देखते ही देखते स्थिति बदलना शुरू हो जाएगा। और इसलिए मैं आग्रह करूंगा कि ये जो नई सुविधाएं जिन-जिन परिवारों को मिल रही हैं, वे अपने बच्‍चों को पढ़ाने के विषय में कोई compromise न करें, अपने बच्‍चों को जरूर पढ़ाएं।

आज मुझे एक परिवार से मिलना हुआ। वो बहन चौराहे पर दरी बिछाकर के सब्‍जी बगैरा बेचती रहती थी, आज उसको एक ठेला मिल गया है। मैंने उसको पूछा क्‍या फर्क पड़ेगा। बोले जी पहले तो मैं जहां बैठती थी कोई आया तो माल ले के जाता था, अब मैं अलग-अलग इलाकों में जाऊंगी, अपना समय पत्रक बना दूंगी कि इस इलाके में सुबह 9 बजे जाना है, इस इलाके में सुबह 10 बजे जाना है इस इलाके में 11 बजे जाना है, तो लोगों को भी पता रहेगा कि मैं कितने बजे वहां माल अपना लेकर जाऊंगी, तो वो जरूर उस समय पर मेरा माल ले लेंगे। अब देखिए अनपढ़ महिला! लेकिन उसे मालूम है कि मैं ऐसा टाईम-टेबल बनाऊंगी कि इस इलाके में 9 बजे जाती हूं तो रोज, हर रोज 9 बजे वहां पहुंच जाऊंगी, इस इलाके में दोपहर को 12 बजे पहुंचती हूं, मतलब 12 बजे पहुंच जाऊंगी। यानी उसको business का perfect management मालूम है। ठेला चलाते-चलाते भी अपनी जिंदगी बदली जा सकती है, इसका विश्‍वास उसके अंदर आया है। ये छोटी-छोटी चीजें हैं, जिसके द्वारा हम एक बहुत बड़ा बदलाव लाने की कोशिश कर रहे हैं।

अभी प्रधानमंत्री जन-धन खाते खोलने का जो अभियान चलाया, हमारे देश में सालों से कहा जाता था कि गरीबों के लिए बैंकों का राष्ट्रीयकरण किया गया है, लेकिन बैंकों के राष्ट्रीयकरण के 40-50 साल के बाद भी, बैंक के दरवाजे पर कभी कोई गरीब दिखाई नहीं दिया था और इस देश में कभी उसकी चर्चा भी नहीं थी। इस देश में ऐसा क्‍यों ? ये सवाल इस देश के किसी बुद्धिमान व्‍यक्ति ने किसी राजनेता को नहीं पूछा, किसी सरकार को नहीं पूछा। 50 साल में नहीं पूछा। Taken for granted था। हमने आकर के बीड़ा उठाया कि बैंकों के दरवाजे पर मेरा गरीब होगा, बैंकों के अंदर मेरा गरीब होगा। ये बैंक गरीबों के लिए होगी, बड़ा अभियान उठाया। मैंने 15 अगस्‍त को घोषणा की थी, 26 जनवरी तक पूरा करने का संकल्‍प लिया था और सभी बैंकों ने जी-जान से मेरे साथ जुड़ गए, कंधे से कंधा जुड़ गए और आज देश में करीब 18 करोड़ से ज्‍यादा बैंकों के खाते गरीबों के खुल गए।

हिन्‍दुस्‍तान में कुल परिवारों में जितने थे करीब-करीब सारे आ गए और हमने तो कहा था कि हम गरीबों का account कोई भी प्रकार का पैसा लेकर कर के नहीं खोलेंगे। बिना पैसे, बैंक खर्चा करेगी फॉर्म का खर्चा होगा, जो होगा करेंगे, गरीबों का एक बार मुफ्त में खाता खोल देंगे। आदत लगेगी उसको धीरे-धीरे और खाते खोल दिए लेकिन देखिए, गरीबों की अमीरी देखिए, सरकार ने तो कहा था एक रुपया नहीं दोगे लेकिन गरीबों ने करीब-करीब 30 हजार करोड़ रुपये से ज्‍यादा रकम जमा कर दी है। इसका मतलब ये हुआ कि गरीब को पैसे बचाने की अब इच्‍छा होने लगी है। अगर गरीब को पैसे बचाने की इच्‍छा होगी तो उसके आर्थिक जीवन में बदलाव आना स्‍वाभाविक शुरू हो जाएगा। धीरे-धीरे बैंक के खाते उपयोग करने की आदत भी अब धीरे-धीरे बन रही है। मैं हैरान हूं जिन्‍होंने खाते नहीं खोले कभी, वो आज मेरा हिसाब मांग रहे हैं कि खाते खोल तो दिए हैं, लेकिन उसका उपयोग करने वालों की संख्‍या बढ़ नहीं रही है। जिन्‍होंने खाते तक खोलने की परवाह नहीं की थी, उनको अभी खाते operate हो रहे कि नहीं हो रहे, इसकी चिन्‍ता होने लगी है। अच्‍छा होता, ये काम अगर आपने 40-50 साल पहले कर दिया होता तो आज operate करने का सवाल मुझे नहीं पूछना पड़ता देश के सभी गरीब के खाते हो जाते। लेकिन आपने जो काम 50 साल नहीं किया है वो 50 महीने में मैं पूरा करके रहूंगा, ये मैं बताने आया हूं।

गरीब का भला कैसे हो, अभी काशी के अंदर रक्षाबंधन को सुरक्षाबंधन बनाने का बड़ा अभियान चलाया और मैं काशी की माताओं-बहनों का विशेष रूप से, सार्वजनिक रूप से आभार व्‍यक्‍त करता हूं कि इस रक्षाबंधन के पर्व पर मुझे इतनी राखियां मिली हैं बनारस से, इतने आशीर्वाद मिले हैं, माताओं-बहनों के, मैं सिर झुकाकर उन सभी माताओं-बहनों को नमन करता हूं। आपने जो मेरे प्रति सद्भाव व्‍यक्‍त किया है, मेरी रक्षा की चिन्‍ता की है और सुरक्षा का बंधन की जो बात कही है, मैं उसके लिए काशी की सभी माताओं-बहनों का ह्दय से बहुत आभार व्‍यक्‍त करता हूं। मैं इन सभी महानुभावों का भी आभार व्‍यक्‍त करता हूं कि योजना में हमारे साथ, ये partner बने हैं और एक Model के रूप में ये काम आने वाले दिनों में विकसित होगा। अब आप धीरे-धीरे देखिए काशी के अंदर एक नया....और इसके कारण गति आने वाली है, इन चीजों के कारण गति आने वाली है, इन चीजों के कारण शहर की एक नई पहचान बनने वाली है। इन चीजों के कारण सामान्‍य मानव के जीवन में सुविधा का अवसर शुरू होने वाला है।

ऐसी इस योजना के निमित्‍त मैं आज उन सभी बधुंओं को जिन्‍हें आज ये साधन मिल रहे हैं, मेरी तरफ से बहुत-बहुत शुभकामनाएं देता हूं और काशी की आर्थिक प्रगति में गरीब से गरीब व्‍यक्ति की ताकत काम में आए, उस दिशा के प्रयत्‍नों में हमें सफलता मिले, यही भोलेनाथ हम पर आशीर्वाद बरसाएं, इसी एक अपेक्षा के साथ आप सबका बहुत-बहुत धन्‍यवाद। 

Reform eludes UN Security Counci

The framework document adopted at the General Assembly did not break the impasse on reforms, but brought some clarity as to who was on which side. It also became clear that any plan to introduce a substantial draft resolution in the next session would be futile.

The adoption by the UN General Assembly (UNGA) of a consensus resolution for beginning discussions at the Intergovernmental Negotiations Group (ING) on the basis of a framework document has been hailed as historic and path-breaking, but, in actual fact, the UN has not moved anywhere closer to an agreement on reform. The proposal should have been routinely adopted, coming as it did from the president of the General Assembly. Sam Kutesa, the outgoing President of the General Assembly had circulated the framework document at the end of July 2015 after extensive consultations, to serve as a sound basis for the next stage of consultations at the next session. He claimed that it was developed through an “inclusive and transparent process”, which included written submissions.

T. P. Sreenivasan

Trouble arose when some powerful states and groups made submissions, but insisted that their proposals not be included in the framework document. As a result, the president had to prepare his text in two parts, one containing collated views of a number of member states and another reproducing the letters of others.

The document revealed, not for the first time, that the positions of member states remained as wide apart as before and that there was not an iota of hope that a meeting point could be found during the 70th anniversary and beyond.

Opposition to expanison

Many countries, particularly small and middle powers, submitted detailed opinions on each of the specific points on which ideas were sought, such as categories of membership, veto, regional representation, size of the enlarged Council and its working methods and the relationship between the Security Council and the General Assembly. France and the U.K. made their submissions and their views were reflected in the document.

The setback to the whole exercise came from China, Russia, the U.S. and some others, including the Uniting for Consensus Group (opponents of expansion) when they expressed their opinions in vague, but negative terms and kept out of the framework document. This meant that they would prefer the negotiations to continue in the Intergovernmental Negotiations Group without a text at a snail’s pace.

The substance of the positions of China, Russia and the U.S. came as a shock to India and others, who had believed that they had the support of these countries in one form or another. China declared that the time had not come for any serious negotiations, but it would support necessary and reasonable reform, with greater representation for developing countries. Russia was equally vague and supported “any reasonable option of expanding the Council”, but without any change in the veto. The U.S. favoured a “modest expansion”, without supporting any formula under consideration and no alteration or expansion of the veto. Unlike France and the U.K., these countries made no mention of their support to India as a permanent member. Although the U.S. and Russia later said that there was no change in their position of support to India, their written submissions revealed that their support had no practical value.

Among the permanent members, France was the closest to the Indian position, favouring the inclusion of India, Brazil, Japan and Germany (G-4) and an African representative as permanent members and expansion of the non-permanent category of members. France even expressed no objection to the veto power being extended to the new permanent members. The U.K. supported G-4 as the new permanent members, but without veto.

The positions of China, Russia and the U.S. cast a gloom on the G-4, which proposed a draft resolution to remit the framework document to the ING, under its new chairman, Ambassador Courtenay Rattray of Jamaica. China spread a rumour that it would seek amendments to the draft and even press for a vote. But in the end, China decided to join the consensus to commence text-based discussions, even though it had made clear that the time was not ripe for specific formulations.

The latest decision of the 69th session of the General Assembly did not amount to any change in the impasse on reform of the Security Council, but brought some clarity as to who was on which side. It also became clear that any plan to introduce a substantial draft resolution in the 70th session would be futile. The G-4 or any other group does not have the votes to get a resolution adopted by the General Assembly even to pressurise the Security Council to consider a concrete proposal. The compiled views in the framework document did not show any convergence even within the various groups outside the P-5. A G-4 diplomat told me in New York that the framework document was not likely to add any momentum to the negotiations. It would only ensure that the debate would go on for many more years without any result. The numerous paragraphs within brackets will remain in the text for long. The apparent progress in moving to text based negotiations is illusory. It is the lack of political will that has inhibited progress, not the lack of drafting skills.

India and the G-4 have exhausted all the arguments in favour of expansion and they have to be more and more inventive in promoting their proposals. They have already made a compromise on the veto, the claim to which would be suspended for fifteen years or so. The next step will be to accept anything less than permanent membership, such as extended non-permanent terms, subject to re-election every five years or more. The only achievement that they can boast of is the support of France and U.K., but it can melt away as part of a P-5 consensus at very short notice.

G-4 has so far maintained a façade of unity, but each of them may be amenable to bilateral deals if any one of them becomes a liability for the other three. Germany has already toned down its demand for permanent membership because of over representation of Europe. This may well be the motive for France and U.K. also to support G-4.

They may feel that a limited expansion by way of some additions now may be better for Europe than confronting a proposal for a thorough reorganisation of the Security Council later. Japan is clearly a liability because of the open opposition by China. India and Brazil too have opposition from their regions, but nothing serious to block their entry in the event of a settlement.

India’s claim to membership

India has upgraded its claim to “right” and remained the leader of G-4. But there is a section of opinion that India’s position on the Non-Proliferation Treaty (NPT) and its border “disputes” with Pakistan and China might be impediments to its permanent membership. The India-U.S. nuclear deal was expected to give de facto recognition to India’s nuclear status, but its non-NPT status came in the way of its entering the Nuclear Suppliers Group (NSG) and the Missile Technology Control Regime (MTCR). No amount of extra effort by India can resolve the NPT, Pakistan and China issues in a hurry. But the expansion of the Security Council is not contingent on any action of omission or commission on the part of India and so there is no particular pressure on India to relent on these issues.

More than 34 years of struggle with the issue of “equitable representation” in the Security Council has not brought us any closer to an expansion of the Council. An Indian Foreign Secretary had once remarked that India had the choice of either acquiring real power through the manufacture of nuclear weapons or pursuing illusory power by seeking to become a permanent member of the Security Council. Having acquired real power, India could as well give up the pursuit of illusory power, he had said. But in keeping with the present Government’s “power push”, our quest for permanent membership will continue. But the best we can get, if at all, may be a semi-permanent status, requiring us to get elected every few years.

As for the UN itself, reform of the Security Council is an existential requirement for the organisation. If it resists all proposals for change in the years to come, there is a real risk of the UN being sidelined or rival organisations taking over its agenda. Therefore, it is likely that some changes would be accommodated on the basis of one of the two alternatives proposed by Kofi Annan in his report, ‘In Larger Freedom’ in March 2005. According to this plan, there would be no new permanent seats, but a new category of eight four-year renewable term seats and one new two-year non-permanent (and non-renewable) seat to be divided among the various regional groups. The plan would continue to be unacceptable to India and some others, but it might well be the lowest common denominator to be tried out. But what the UN requires is not a fix like that, but a fundamental change to reflect the realities of the present century.

Time to reform the UNSC

The adoption by the United Nations General Assembly of a resolution to use a framework text as the basis of discussions on Security Council reforms is a welcome step forward. As India’s Ambassador to the UN, Asoke Mukerji, said, this is the first time in the history of the intergovernmental negotiation process that a decision on UNSC reform has been adopted by means of an official document. This also indicates that most countries in the General Assembly support a restructuring of the UNSC. Meaningful reform of the Security Council is overdue. The institution, formed to meet the challenges of the post-War world, has struggled to cope with the dynamics of the post-Soviet Union world order. In the past quarter century, the global order has seen massive changes, from American unilateralism to the rise of multilateral institutions such as BRICS. The developing nations, including India, now play a larger role in both the international economy and politics. But these changes are not reflected in the UN, where all critical decisions are still being taken by the veto-wielding permanent members of the Security Council. Besides, the geopolitical rivalry among the permanent members has prevented the UNSC from coming up with effective mechanisms to deal with global crises. Syria is a case in point. Even as a humanitarian tragedy is unfolding in Syria, there is no consensus in the Security Council on how to tackle it. Even UN Secretary General Ban Ki-Moon admitted recently that the UNSC had failed Syria. If the UN still shies away from reforming the Security Council, the possibility of the institution being sidelined by emerging powers cannot be ruled out. The resolution adopted in the General Assembly offers a chance to break the logjam.

But the road ahead is not easy. Three powerful members of the UNSC — Russia, China, and the U.S. — are opposed to any major restructuring of the Council. While Russia and the U.S. have said they would support India’s UNSC bid, when it comes to proceedings at the UN their positions represent a far cry from the promises they make at bilateral meetings. The U.S. favours only a “modest expansion” of the UNSC, while Russia doesn’t want any change in the veto arrangement. Even if the General Assembly members reach a consensus on reform, it could be shot down by the permanent members. The permanent members should realise that a more democratic and representative Security Council would be better-equipped to address global challenges, and that there are more pressing issues to be tackled at the global level than merely preserving their prerogatives. The champions of reforms — India, Japan, Germany and Brazil, or the G4 — should continue their multilateral diplomacy to build a democratically evolved global consensus on restructuring the UNSC.

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India’s Malnutrition Shame,Global Nutrition Report 2015 by the International Food Policy Research Institute,

The latest edition of the Global Nutrition Report 2015 by the International Food Policy Research Institute, released on Tuesday, brings back the concerns over malnutrition into sharp focus. In July, the government of India, after much avoidable controversy, released malnutrition (used synonymously as undernutrition) figures from the Rapid Survey on Children (RSoC) data that was collected in 2013-14. This dataset was keenly awaited as it provides a nationwide assessment after the third round of the National Family Health Survey (NFHS-3), which is nearly a decade old now. The RSoC data also assumes significance as the world adopts the Sustainable Development Goals. Goal 2.2 seeks to end all forms of malnutrition by 2030, including achieving, by 2025, the internationally agreed targets on stunting and wasting in children under five years of age.

The RSoC was conducted by the ministry of women and child development with  technical support from Unicef. It found 29.4 per cent of children (aged less than three years) to be underweight (low in weight for their age), while 15 per cent were wasted (low weight for their height) and 38.7 per cent were stunted (low in height for age). On the face of it, this compares well with the NFHS-3 data, in which the corresponding figures were 40.4 per cent (underweight), 22.9 per cent (wasted) and 44.9 per cent (stunted). But in absolute terms, the current levels of underweight and stunted children are abysmally high and former Prime Minister Manmohan Singh’s assertion
that malnutrition is a “national shame” is still valid.

A civil society collective appealed to policymakers in a press release on July 23 to “declare malnutrition as a medical emergency to save India’s children dying of hunger”. The Union minister for tribal affairs on August 4 said that his ministry “will collaborate with Ramdev and Balkrishna to identify and document medicinal herbs helpful in the treatment [emphasis added] of malnutrition”. But ready-to-use therapeutic food was introduced as a “treatment” to combat this medical emergency nearly two decades back.

The moot question is: can malnutrition be “treated”? Current mainstream global notions draw upon African experiences, where severe acute malnutrition (SAM) has been triggered by acute crises, such as drought, crop failure and civil wars. Classical SAM is a medical emergency, carries with it a high risk of mortality, and requires not just therapeutic feeding but other medical inputs. This global wisdom was bought off-the-shelf by national experts and Indian strategies and guidelines continue to be largely clinical, essentially seeking to treat malnutrition.

The predominant form of malnutrition in India is significantly different from classical SAM and standardised protocols for treatment are not as effective in the Indian context, where longer durations are required for achieving targeted weight gains. This is on account of the high levels of underlying stunting. Stunting signifies chronic undernutrition and has no scope for “cure” in a therapeutic mode. Its levels in India are higher than in Africa, and exceedingly so among chronically poor populations. Severe chronic malnutrition (SCM) in children is characterised by stunted growth and is a potentially less serious but continual form of malnutrition. SCM is generally an outcome of latent poverty, chronic food insecurity, poor feeding practices and protracted morbidities, but rarely a direct cause of mortality. In short, stunted children are hungry but not sick.

Chronic malnutrition requires a far wider spectrum of programmatic interventions beyond clinical management. Multi-sectoral actions are needed to combat multi-dimensional deprivations. Simultaneously, there is an urgent need for promoting practices to improve the quality of local diets, improving child-feeding practices, reducing exposure to illnesses, and paediatric care services. This would need a broad-based commitment of resources as well as the creation and nurturing of local capacities and leaderships.

Despite recent gains, malnutrition continues to be a national emergency; though not a medical one. The National Nutrition Mission (a multi-sectoral programme earmarked for 200 high-burden districts) has not taken off in any meaningful manner. The penchant for a magic bullet to treat and cure malnutrition draws attention away from the Indian epidemiological reality. Policymakers and opinion leaders are increasingly impatient with the tardy progress of the current set of interventions. The way forward requires a reorientation of Indian research to inform policy and practice and change the current tenor of policy discussions. The Make in India call should apply no less to research and practice.

How refugees impact Europe

President of the European Commission Jean-Claude Juncker recently threatened financial sanctions against European Union (EU) member countries which fail to observe asylum procedures over the 1,60,000 refugees who attempted to enter countries on the periphery of Europe, namely: Italy, Greece and Hungary. Considering Hungary has failed to regulate the entry of these refugees owing to weak border controls, it has not adhered to the Dublin Regulation 2013. The Regulation states that asylum-seekers need to apply for refugee status in the country of their arrival.

In reality, it is difficult to adhere to this requirement since many refugees are not registered formally or even statistically considering Italy, Hungary and Greece have become chokepoints to cope with over 3,50,000 refugees and economic migrants this year. Evidently, their border control facilities have collapsed under the phenomenal pressure with multiple 'leaks' that threaten south-eastern Europe's border stability and have opened a Pandora's Box in Europe.

Most refugees seek to reach Germany, Denmark or Sweden as main target destinations owing to their strong social welfare systems. In a European context, the larger problem is that only some states like Germany are open to absorb refugees while other east European countries prefer to push these asylum seekers and economic migrants into the more prosperous states. Though the EU comprises 28 member countries, only some of them take their responsibility to manage the refugee crisis while others do not do so.

Today, Germany grapples with an unprecedented influx of refugees which could either be perceived as a boon or bane. Germany's demographic profile suggests a greying population that is starved of skilled human resources in several sectors which this flood of refu-gees could provide. However, this comes with a caveat in terms of social integration and internal security for Germany.

The emerging wave of refugees from Syria, Iraq and other West Asian countries are quite different from earlier refugee inflows given the magnitude of their numbers. It is ironical that Muslim refugees from Iraq and Syria choose to opt for Germany -- a part of Christian Europe. Their ethnic diversity makes them vulnerable to religious persecution in their home regions that compels them to exit. Therefore, to what extent would these refugees be able to adapt to a Christian-based culture in Europe? Germany is not new to refugees who come as political asylum seekers from various countries and cultural backgrounds. In the post-Second World War period, the trend was set by East German refugees who obtained political asylum in West Germany. However, their ethnic, linguistic and cultural commonality enabled them integrate easily.

Since then, a host of non-European refugees has entered Germany after reunification which included people from Tibet, Sri Lanka, Pakistan, Afghanistan, Kosovo, Albania, Eritrea, Somalia and Palestine who were assimilated into German society. Collectively, these non-European refugees form a miniscule minority of the German population, and therefore they posed no serious problem to their host country.

Germany is a refugee-friendly country due to historical reasons related to the Second World War. The post-war West German Constitution in order to make amends for the trauma of the Second World War crimes went out of the way to promote human rights. This is evident from Article 16a of the Basic Law grants victims of political persecution an individual right of asylum. The fundamental right of asylum thus has high priority and expresses Germany's willingness to fulfil its historical and humanitarian obligation to admit refugees.

The German Office for Immigration and Refugees recorded over 1, 73,000 new applications for asylum in 2014, a 58 per cent increase compared to the previous year. They have scrutinised almost 1, 29,000 files and Syria ranks highest with 40,000 refugees, followed by 17,000 from Serbia and 13,000 from Eritrea. Of these 28,000 refugees are from countries declared "safe" by the German Ministry of the Interior, besides Serbia, Macedonia and Bosnia. It is well known that "welfare tourists", Roma populations who move to Germany only to avail its social benefits and therefore their applications are rejected automatically.

'Breathtaking' challenge

While the Bavarians have welcomed 20,000 refugees from Syria and Iraq in an unprecedented move only a few days ago, the German state has yet to take an official position on the issue. A steadfast German Chancellor Angela Merkel called this challenge "breathtaking" and tried to reassure German citizens that the crisis was manageable. The humane approach of the Bavarian people towards these refugees complicates the Schengen Agreement that dictates intra-EU movement of peoples across 26 countries.

Today, Europe is overwhelmed by the tsunami wave of refugees who await their fate on its southern borders and have flooded over into the core. These refugees are bound to cause major social, political, cultural, economic and demographic upheavals in an ethnically homogenous Europe. The consequences of this demographic distortion may result in a re-conceptualisation of a borderless Europe. The EU is synonymous with economic prosperity and trade regulations, which provide the cohesion of 'good friends in good times'. Till now, the strength of the EU has not been tested in a humanitarian crisis of this nature and magnitude. Europe's territorial integrity was not impacted on a major scale -- except for the Kosovo crisis and the collapse of Yugoslavia along with the USSR.

Whether the EU would emerge stronger as a politico-economic regional organisation or not after it copes with the recent refugee crisis based on common treaties and borders, remains to be seen. Importantly, the EU would have to formulate a border management policy related to Europe's outer perimeter which runs along the Mediterranean coastline from where most of the sea-borne refugees enter Europe from time to time.