18 July 2015

35 per cent urban India is BPL

35 per cent urban India is BPL

Unreleased data from the first urban Socio Economic and Caste Census (SECC), tabulated as per criteria laid down by the erstwhile Planning Commission’s expert Hashim committee, shows that roughly 35 per cent of urban Indian households live below poverty line (BPL).

This amounts to 22 million households of the total 63 million households surveyed in 4,041 statutory cities and towns across the country.

The data shows that, as per BPL parameters set by the panel headed by former Planning Commission member S R Hashim, the highest per cent of urban BPL households are in the north-eastern states of Manipur (54.95 per cent of its total population) and Mizoram (52.35 per cent) followed by Bihar (49.82 per cent). The least proportion of urban poor are in Goa (16 per cent) followed by the Union Territory of Dadra and Nagar Haveli and Delhi, both at 18 per cent.

In 2011-12, the Planning Commission had estimated 26.4 per cent of urban India’s total population to be poor as per the methodology laid down by the Rangarajan committee. The Tendulkar panel’s yardsticks put that figure at 13.7 per cent. In absolute numbers, this comes to 102.5 million and 53.1 million people respectively.

“Assuming an average household size of five people, the total number of people falling in the urban BPL list, as per the Hashim panel criteria, is approximately 110 million. This is closer to the estimate arrived at using the Rangarajan panel’s methodology,” an official said.

The corresponding SECC figures for rural India were released earlier this month by the Rural Development Ministry. It painted a worrying picture — rural India accounted for 73 per cent households and 74 per cent of these survived on a monthly income of less than Rs 5,000 of its highest earner.

This is the first time that such a survey has been carried out in urban India to identify beneficiaries of food security Act, pension scheme and other welfare schemes.

The Ministry of Housing and Urban Poverty Alleviation (HUPA) has still not made the data public. Officials said this is because the final decision on the deprivation criteria for identifying beneficiaries of schemes is still pending.

“Also, a call has to be taken as to who will take this decision. The Planning Committee had given its in-principle nod to the Hashim panel’s final report but now that it is no longer in place, we have to decide whether the final approval has to be given by the HUPA ministry or, since it concerns beneficiaries across all government schemes, whether it will have to be approved by the cabinet or the Niti Aayog Task Force on Elimination of Poverty,” an official said.

The SECC has identified the urban poor through a three-step process recommended by the Hashim panel. In the first stage, households are automatically excluded if they live in a house with four or more rooms, have either an AC, four-wheeler or computer with internet or possess any three of the four assets such as refrigerator, landline phone, washing machine or two-wheeler.

Of the remaining households, all those families are automatically included as poor if they face vulnerability due to residential, social or occupational factors such as homelessness, disability or being employed as domestic or sanitation workers among other criteria.

In the third stage, households that are neither excluded or included are ranked on a scoring index of 0 to 12 based on various factors where 12 is the most vulnerable. The Hashim panel has suggested that those households scoring between 4 to 12 should be added to the automatically included category and these together would comprise the urban BPL group.

However, the panel has left it to the government to identify beneficiaries by varying the poverty threshold, depending on the resources available to assist the urban poor.

Hashim vs Rangarajan vs Tendulkar

# 35% urban BPL in SECC data calculated as per Hashim panel criteria

# Rangarajan method said urban poor 26.4%, Tendulkar panel 13.57%

# Highest BPL households in Manipur (54.95%), Mizoram (52.35%), Bihar (49.82%)

# Urban poor least in Goa (16%), Dadra and Nagar Haveli (18%), Delhi (18%)

DoT’s Net neutrality panel offers a mixed bag

DoT’s Net neutrality panel offers a mixed bag
The government panel on Net neutrality recently submitted its report to the government. The six-member panel was chaired by A.K. Bhargava, Adviser, Technology, Department of Telecommunication. The panel recommends that the core principles of Net Neutrality must be adhered to.
Important recommendations made:
  • It has recommended that apps offering domestic calling be brought under the regulatory framework prescribed for telecom operators, but those providing messaging and international calling services over the Internet be kept free from licensing requirements.
  • It suggests that controversial plans such as Airtel Zero be allowed with prior clearance from the Telecom Regulatory Authority of Indiabut opposes platforms such as Internet.org of Facebook.
  • Airtel Zero and Internet.org are similar as they offer customers a specific set of services or applications that are free to use without paying data charges. But on Internet.org, the committee says it is of the “firm opinion that content and application providers cannot be permitted to act as gatekeepers and use network operations to extract value, even if it is for an ostensible public purpose”.
  • The report says over-the-top applications, which use the Internet to deliver services, enhance consumer welfare and increase productivity. Therefore, such services should be actively encouraged and any impediments in expansion and growth of OTT application services (such as e-commerce, radio taxis and YouTube) should be removed.
Background:
  • The report gains importance as, for the past few months, a raging debate has been on in the country on Net neutrality, which, basically, is the principle that service providers should treat all data on the Internet equally and not discriminate against, or charge differently, any website or service.
  • Globally, the debate has been on for a long time, but in India, Airtel triggered it last December by announcing plans to start charging subscribers for VoIP services such as Skype and Viber, which allows making calls using the Internet. While cellphone users came out against the move, telecom operators called for a level-playing field to run a “viable” business and demanded that same rule apply for same services, even VoIP.
Net neutrality:
Net neutrality is the principle that Internet service providers and governments should treat all data on the Internet equally, not discriminating or charging differentially by user, content, site, platform, application, type of attached equipment, or mode of communication.

17 July 2015

Are reservations futile?

Are reservations futile?
India's Constitution wisely provided for affirmative action in favour of the socially and economically disadvantaged. Over the past 65 years such favourable treatment has been significantly widened and enhanced well beyond the levels and time periods envisaged by the founders of the Indian republic. Currently, the benefits for scheduled castes (SCs), scheduled tribes (STs) and other backward classes (OBCs) include reservations of seats in Parliament, state assemblies, panchayats, and educational institutions, as well as jobs in government and the public sector. However, excessive and prolonged reservations have had unintended and possibly net negative consequences.
The history of reservations goes back at least to the Hunter Education Commission of 1882; around 1901-02, reservation of seats was introduced in several educational institutions around the country. In 1932, Britain as the colonial power cynically proposed a divisive communal award. This award mandated separate electoral representation for Dalits and for adherents of various religions. Mahatma Gandhi was strongly opposed to segregation in representation but ultimately agreed to a compromise with Dr Ambedkar.
Independent India's constitutional provision for reservations of electoral seats was meant to expire in 60 years, and should have been over in 2010 - but has been extended till 2020. Reservations in employment in government or the public sector, originally 15 per cent for SCs and 7.5 per cent for STs, were intended to last for 10 years till 1960. These reservations in jobs have repeatedly been extended, with the latest extension again till 2020.
The reality is that instead of reservations being gradually phased out for SCs and STs, this practice has been widened since 1993 to include other backward classes (OBCs). The word "classes" instead of "castes" has provided the discretion to periodically add to the list of communities which qualify as OBCs. To the reservations for SCs and STs, which add up to 22.5 per cent an additional 27 per cent has been provided for OBCs. Some state governments such as Tamil Nadu and Andhra Pradesh have prescribed job reservation quotas at higher than 50 per cent, which were either struck down by courts or are lingering in appeals in the Supreme Court. There is periodic clamour too for reservations in promotions, and for it to be extended to the private sector.
Large numbers of skilled and well-educated Indians continue to seek better remuneration or living conditions in West Asia, Gulf and developed countries. It is possible that high levels of reservations in educational institutions and jobs, has contributed to this outflow of talented persons. Commenting in the 1970s on this issue Abid Hussian, a former commerce secretary and ambassador to the US, was reported to have said "better brain drain than brain in the drain".
More seriously, it is a travesty that almost no one in public life speaks frankly about reservations. Have reservations helped the poorest and those who live in remote parts of rural India? The Socio-Economic and Caste Census (SECC), conducted between 2011 and 2013 and released on July 3 indicates a fairly bleak picture. Out of a total of 179 million households in the country, the income of the highest earning member in 133 million households, that is 74.5 per cent of the population, is less than Rs 5,000 per month. It is illogical, therefore, that a central government order dated May 27, 2013, on "revision of income criteria to exclude socially advanced persons/sections (creamy layer) from the purview of reservation for OBCs" stipulates that the income ceiling of parents of children seeking to qualify for the OBC quota is Rs 50,000 per month. It is also absurd that low-income Muslim, Christian or other minority households are excluded from the category of OBCs. Given the low income levels of an overwhelmingly large proportion of Indian families, perhaps family income below Rs 25,000 per month should be the norm to be eligible for any form of reservation not just for OBCs, but also SCs and STs. Further, all reservations could be phased out by 2020.
A number of domestic and foreign observers often refer to the World Bank's country rankings on "Ease of Doing Business" and in 2015, India's overall ranking is 142 out of 189 economies. In the context of such inter-country comparative evaluations, it would be useful to know the extent to which OECD countries, which can now afford to provide social security, unemployment, health and other benefits, ever used reservation quotas based on parentage. The expected prickly counter-argument would be that India is unique in terms of caste-based discrimination and hence there can be no valid comparison on reservations with other countries.
Readers of this newspaper would be aware of the 1919 book Economic Consequences of Peace by John Maynard Keynes. The excessive monetary reparations sought by the victors of the First World War and the apathy of some Germans were among the contributory factors that led to the Second World War and the Holocaust. Drawing an extremely tenuous parallel with current conditions in India, it is pertinent to ask what have been the economic consequences of reservations. Going further one could also question whether it is enough for us to claim that we are professionals, academics, journalists, government officials and so on, and it is somebody else's business to create a just, transparent and caring India by participating in risky electoral politics.
Clearly, the various forms of hate crime and inequities that disadvantaged Indians face cannot be corrected just by reservations. In episode after episode of violence or corruption around the country there is an immediate demand for a CBI investigation. Well, the irony is that on July 7 the Supreme Court has suggested an investigation into the role of former CBI Director Ranjit Sinha in the 2G and coal scam probes. Consequently, it would be useful if the government were to ask an external consulting company such as McKinsey or the World Bank to evaluate the manner and extent to which reservations have helped the weaker sections.
To sum up, the central government needs to commission a comprehensive report for Parliament on the extent of and justification for continued affirmative action. This would help us to understand the full contours of what are the precise benefits, for whom, and the extent to which the targeted have benefited. This is important since the other side of the coin of reservations is an inevitable decline in standards of performance

Rural India healthier than urban India, Kerala sickest state

Rural India healthier than urban India, Kerala sickest state

The rural-urban divide is particularly evident in the 45-59 age group; While only 13% of people in rural India reported some ailment, the figure was nearly 21% in urban India

  • As much as 86% of the rural population and 82% of the urban population is without health-expenditure support.
  • The average medical expenditure for treating one ailment without being admitted to was Rs 509 in and Rs 639 in urban India.
  • Up to 58% of hospital care occurred in private hospitals in rural India; it was 68% in urban India.
Allopathy was the most prevalent form of treatment for both urban and rural India, and private doctors were the most important single source of treatment across India, according to the latest survey conducted by the statistics ministry.
Nearly 12% of people in urban areas reported ailments over a survey period of 15 days, an increase of 2% over the previous survey in 2004. Only 9% of rural India reported some ailment during the period, a marginal increase.

The urban-rural divide becomes more pronounced when you look at the age-wise break-up of those suffering ailments:
The rural-urban divide is particularly evident in the 45-59 age group. While only 13% of people in rural India reported some ailment, the figure was nearly 21% in urban India, greater by 8%.
This was also evident in the 70+ category: 31% in rural India were unwell, as against 37% in urban India.
Changing lifestyles are driving an epidemiological transition from communicable to non-communicable diseases across India, particularly urban India, IndiaSpend previously reported.
The indicators are based on surveys between January and June 2014 across 4,577 villages in rural areas and 3,720 urban blocks spread across all states and union territories. The number of households contacted for the survey was 36,480 in rural India and 29,452 in urban India.
Expenditure in private hospitals four times higher than in state hospitals
While 4% of people in were hospitalised over the year before the survey, only 3.5% of people in rural India were hospitalised.
While 42% in hospitals in rural India chose public hospitals, it was only 32% in urban areas, as we mentioned. That means 58% of the people in rural areas and 62% in urban areas were treated in private hospitals.
Expenditure in private hospitals was almost four times higher than in public hospitals: Rs 25,850 in private hospitals and Rs 6,120 in public hospitals.
About 12% of the urban and 13% of the rural population got through theRashtriya Swasthya Bima Yojana (National Health Insurance Scheme) or similar plans, the report said.
Malayalees Sicker Than Other Indians
reported the highest deviation for both urban and rural areas at 31%, against the all-India ailment average of 12% and 9%, respectively.
This implies prosperous Kerala, with one of India’s best public-health systems, is particularly susceptible to diseases, as IndiaSpend has reported.



Dipping Into Savings
While 75% of urban India relied on income or savings to pay hospital expenses, only 68% of rural households could do the same. Almost 25% of households in rural areas had to borrow money to meet hospital expenses. 

16 July 2015

SC asks govt. to review drug pricing policy


The Supreme Court recently directed the government to have a re-look at the drug pricing policy to help make life-saving medicines affordable for the common man.
The court also observed that there is an impression the government favours pharmaceutical companies and is not pro-poor. Hence, the court asked the Department of Pharmaceuticals under the Ministries of Health and Chemical and Fertilisers to re-examine the National Pharmaceutical Policy (NPP) 2012 and Drug Pricing Control Order (DPCO) of 2013 in light of several recommendations made by NGO All India Drug Action Network.
The bench also wanted the government to address the NGO’s concern that prices of drugs were fixed at levels which gave 5,000 times profit to the maker.
Background:
The NGO in a public interest petition had raised objections on the formula for drug pricing.
It said the formula institutionalised “super-profits in the guise of price control, excluded from price control life-saving medicines for diseases such as malaria and TB, excluded all fixed dose combinations which amount to 50 per cent of the market.”
The NGO said the government’s pricing policy further excluded essential medicines belonging to the same chemical class, besides drugs provided in the national health programmes such as for HIV, diabetes, hypertension and anaemia, medicines with appropriate dosages for children and patented medicines.
The DPCO lists 348 drugs for price control. The NGO wants the list to be extended to include all drugs on the national list of life-saving drugs.
National Pharmaceutical Pricing policy, 2012:
The government had approved the National Pharmaceutical Pricing Policy (NPPP) in 2012.
This policy at bringing 348 essential drugs under price control and also lead to reduction in prices. With this, the Govt would control prices of 348 essential drugs.
The policy debars the companies from using the Wholesale Price Index (WPI) to increase the prices of the essential medicines on their own each year. Thus, the companies had to seek approval from the National Pharmaceutical Pricing Authority whenever they wanted to increase the prices of the items covered under the Drug Price Control Order.

‪#‎IAS‬ -2014 ‪#‎PRE‬ & ‪#‎MAINSCUTOFF‬

आगे सफर था और पीछे हमसफर था.

motivational
आगे सफर था और पीछे हमसफर था....
रूकते तो सफर छूट जाता और चलते तो हम सफर छूट जाता...
मंजिल की भी हसरत थी और उनसे भी मोहब्बत थी..
ए दिल तू ही बता...उस वक्त मैं कहाँ जाता...
मुद्दत का सफर भी था और बरसो का हम सफर भी था
रूकते तो बिछड जाते और चलते तो बिखर जाते....
यूँ समँझ लो....
प्यास लगी थी गजब की...मगर पानी मे जहर था...
पीते तो मर जाते और ना पीते तो भी मर जाते...
बस यही दो मसले, जिंदगीभर ना हल हुए!!!
ना नींद पूरी हुई, ना ख्वाब मुकम्मल हुए!!!
वक़्त ने कहा.....काश थोड़ा और सब्र होता!!!
सब्र ने कहा....काश थोड़ा और वक़्त होता!!!
सुबह सुबह उठना पड़ता है कमाने के लिए साहेब...।।
आराम कमाने निकलता हूँ आराम छोड़कर।।
"हुनर" सड़कों पर तमाशा करता है और "किस्मत" महलों में राज करती है!!
"शिकायते तो बहुत है तुझसे ऐ जिन्दगी,
पर चुप इसलिये हु कि, जो दिया तूने,
वो भी बहुतो को नसीब नहीं होता"...

Featured post

UKPCS2012 FINAL RESULT SAMVEG IAS DEHRADUN

    Heartfelt congratulations to all my dear student .this was outstanding performance .this was possible due to ...