Revision of cumulative targets under National Solar Mission from 20,000 MW by 2021-22 to 1,00,000 MW

Revision of cumulative targets under National Solar Mission from 20,000 MW by 2021-22 to 1,00,000 MW

India surging ahead in the field of Green Energy - 100 GW Solar Scale-Up plan

The Union Cabinet chaired by the Prime Minister, Shri Narendra Modi, today gave its approval for stepping up of India’s solar power capacity target under the Jawaharlal Nehru National Solar Mission (JNNSM) by five times, reaching 1,00,000 MW by 2022. The target will principally comprise of 40 GW Rooftop and 60 GW through Large and Medium Scale Grid Connected Solar Power Projects. With this ambitious target, India will become one of the largest Green Energy producers in the world, surpassing several developed countries.

The total investment in setting up 100 GW will be around Rs. 6,00,000 cr. In the first phase, the Government of India is providing Rs. 15,050 crore as capital subsidy to promote solar capacity addition in the country. This capital subsidy will be provided for Rooftop Solar projects in various cities and towns, for Viability Gap Funding (VGF) based projects to be developed through the Solar Energy Corporation of India (SECI) and for decentralized generation through small solar projects. The Ministry of New and Renewable Energy (MNRE) intends to achieve the target of 1,00,000 MW with targets under the three schemes of 19,200 MW.

Apart from this, solar power projects with investment of about Rs. 90,000 crore would be developed using Bundling mechanism with thermal power. Further investment will come from large Public Sector Undertakings and Independent Power Producers (IPPs). State Governments have also come out with State specific solar policies to promote solar capacity addition.

The Government of India may also approach bilateral and international donors as also the Green Climate Fund for achieving this target. Solar power can contribute to the long term energy security of India, and reduce dependence on fossil fuels that put a strain on foreign reserves and the ecology as well. The solar manufacturing sector will get a boost with this long term trajectory of solar capacity addition. This will help in creation of technology hubs for manufacturing. The increased manufacturing capacity and installation are expected to pave way for direct and indirect employment opportunities in both the skilled and unskilled sector.

The new solar target of 100 GW is expected to abate over 170 million tonnes of CO2 over its life cycle. This Solar Scale-up Plan has a target of 40 GW through Decentralized Solar Power Generation in the form of Grid Connected Rooftop Projects. While Decentralized Generation will stabilise the grid, it will minimise investment on power evacuation.

To facilitate such a massive target, the Prime Minister’s Office has been pushing various Ministries to initiate supporting interventions, like:-

a) incorporating changes in land use regulations and tenancy laws to facilitate aggregation and leasing of land by farmers/ developers for solar projects;

b) identification of large chunks of land for solar projects;

c) identification of large government complexes/ buildings for rooftop projects;

d) clear survey of wastelands and identification of transmission/ road infrastructure using satellite technology for locating solar parks;

e) development of power transmission network/ Green Energy Corridor;

f) setting up of exclusive parks for domestic manufacturing of solar PV modules;

g) provision of roof top solar and 10 percent renewable energy as mandatory reform under the new scheme of Ministry of Urban Development;

h) amendments in building bye-laws for mandatory provision of roof top solar for new construction or higher FAR;

i) considering infrastructure status for solar projects; raising tax free solar bonds; providing long tenor loans; making roof top solar a part of housing loan by banks/ NHB and extending IIFCL credit facility to such projects by the Department of Financial Services;

j) suitable amendments to the Electricity Act for strong enforcement of Renewable Purchase Obligation (RPO) and for providing Renewable Generation Obligation (RGO);

k) incorporating measures in Integrated Power Development Scheme (IPDS) for encouraging distribution companies and making net-metering compulsory.

Background:

JNNSM was launched in 2009 with a target for Grid Connected Solar Projects of 20,000 MW by 2022. In the last two to three years, the sector has witnessed rapid development with installed solar capacity increasing rapidly from 18 MW to about 3800 MW during 2010 - 15. The price of solar energy has come down significantly from Rs.17.90 per unit in 2010 to under Rs.7 per unit, thereby reducing the need of VGF / GBI per MW of solar power. With technology advancement and market competition, this Green Power is expected to reach grid parity by 2017-18. These developments would enable India to achieve its present target of 20,000 MW. But considering its international commitment towards Green and climate friendly growth trajectory, the Government of India has taken this path-breaking decision.

Introduction of the Bureau of Indian Standards Bill, 2015

Introduction of the Bureau of Indian Standards Bill, 2015

The Union Cabinet chaired by the Prime Minister, Shri Narendra Modi, today gave its approval to introduce a new Bureau of Indian Standards Bill, 2015. The new Bill will provide legislative framework for following new provisions other than the provisions in the existing Bureau of Indian Standards Act, 1986 which is proposed to be repealed:

The main objectives of the proposed legislation are:-

i. to establish the Bureau of Indian standards (BIS) as the National Standards Body of India;

ii. The Bureau to perform its functions through a Governing Council, which will consist of its President and other members;

iii. to include goods, services and systems, besides articles and processes under the standardization regime;

iv. To enable the Government to bring under the mandatory certification regime such article, process or service which it considers necessary from the point of view of health, safety, environment, prevention of deceptive practices, security etc. This will help consumers receive ISI certified products and will also help in prevention of import of sub-standard products;

v. to allow multiple types of simplified conformity assessment schemes including Self Declaration Of Conformity (SDOC) against any standard which will give multiple simplified options to manufacturers to adhere to standards and get a certificate of conformity, thus improving the "ease of doing business";

vi. to enable the Central Government to appoint any authority, in addition to the Bureau of Indian Standards, to verify the conformity of products and services to a standard and issue certificate of conformity;

vii. to enable the Government to implement mandatory hallmarking of precious metal articles;

viii. to strengthen penal provisions for better and effective compliance and enable compounding of offences for violations;

ix. to provide recall, including product liability of products bearing the Standard Mark, but not conforming to relevant Indian Standards; and

x. Repeal of the BIS Act, 1986.

Consequential amendments will be made subsequently in the rules and regulations to ensure implementation of the new Bill.

The proposed provisions in the new Bureau of Indian Standards Bill, 2015 will empower the Central Government and the Bureau of Indian Standards to promote a culture of quality of products and services through mandatory/voluntary compliance with Indian standards through the process of 'product certification' and 'Certificate of Conformity' with a broad objective of consumer's welfare. It is also expected to improve enforcement of Indian standards.

The proposed provisions will also promote harmonious development of the activities of standardization, marking and quality certification of goods and services, to provide for compulsory hallmarking of precious metal articles, widening the scope of conformity assessment, to enhance penalties, to make offences compoundable and to simplify certain provisions in the Act.

Navy to navy

Navy to navy
One month down the line, Prime Minister Narendra Modi's visit to China is already history. The positive outcomes have been commented upon extensively, mainly in the Indian media. The fact that Chinese President Xi Jinping went to Xian to receive his guest, just as the latter went to Ahmedabad to meet his last year, was more than mere courtesy. The joint statement issued as Mr Modi departed from the country covered a very broad spectrum of engagement, some more meaningful than others, and the memoranda of understanding (MOUs) signed with Chinese businessmen in Shanghai totalling $22 billion in investment was the icing on this cake - even if many of the promises do not finally materialise. The prime minster's speech to a university in Beijing did some plain talking, asking China to address "issues that lead to hesitation and doubt, even distrust in our relationship" - surprising many by its frankness.

On the other hand, the joint statement included just three lines on military cooperation, restricting itself to exercises and ship visits. Considering that similar pronouncements with the United States, Australia and Japan included two to three paragraphs on maritime security cooperation, this was a little insipid. Understandably, issues like the Maritime Silk Route, on which the two countries have differences, did not figure in the statement put out for public consumption, though it is possible that some might have been talked over at the more private meetings. And, yes, the South China Sea (SCS) found no mention.

Within 10 days of the prime minister's departure, China came out with its New Defence Strategy. This speaks of "active defence", whatever that might mean, and sets out a goal of moving from "offshore waters defence" to "offshore waters defence and open seas protection". This is a qualitative enhancement in the maritime profile it seeks for itself, commensurate with its ambition of becoming one of two global players, on a par with the United States.

Immediately thereafter came the Shangri-La Conference in Singapore, held annually. This, although non-governmental, attracts official participation at the highest levels. Articulations at this gathering were predominantly focused on maritime security and issues in the waters of the Western Pacific and principally the SCS. US Defence Secretary Ashton Carter declared that his country would not accept redrawing of jurisdictions at sea that arose from "artificial structures and reclamation" - clearly pointing his finger at China. The Australian defence minister, shifting from the quite soft position on the South China Sea issues held by his country thus far, stressed the need for "everyone" to adhere to international law, thus implying that China's activities stood in violation of it. Japan's defence minister outlined a Shangri-La Defence Initiative in which there would be confidence-building measures, maritime domain information exchange, a code of conduct and so on. Several leaders from Southeast Asia spoke of serious concerns at the developments in the SCS and the lack of regional trust. India's representative, the junior minister in the ministry of defence, either did not speak or was not heard. The deputy chief of the People's Liberation Army (PLA) General Staff, Admiral Sun Jianguo, maintained that China would follow its newly promulgated strategy, which was not aimed at any country but would enhance peace and tranquility - not anything unexpected.
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If we look at these three separate events from the Indian point of view, there is some dissonance. It is almost as if we showed little interest on issues that arouse great concern amongst littorals of the Western Pacific or those that operate in these waters. While India is an Indian Ocean Region (IOR) littoral, where most of its interests and concerns lie, almost half of its overseas trade moves through the SCS, and freedom of navigation and safe movement of commerce there must be viewed as an important part of our national interest. This is quite aside from the energy exploration joint ventures that we are participating in with Vietnam and which we might replicate with other littorals of that region in the future; at some time, this is likely to extend into the realm of seabed mining. Therefore, peace and tranquility, and adherence to international law by all concerned are issues on which we must take a position; even more so if our "Look East" policy is to transform into "Act East".

Both China and India are now becoming more reliant on the seas than ever before, and the resulting concerns will continue to grow as their economies integrate more closely with those of others - and, inevitably, the two countries will seek to enhance their maritime profiles. This is easier said than done. Building ships and submarines is only one aspect; for countries that are essentially land powers shifting focus seawards is not easy. With a 15,000-km border with six neighbours, of which two have been military adversaries, India is not going to become a maritime power anytime soon; and much the same can be said of China. As a famous British admiral once said, it takes three years to build a ship, but 300 years to build a navy. So the maritime road for both countries is a potholed one, on which movement can only be slow.

For all the U-boats that Germany built and deployed in World War II and despite all the ships and nuclear submarines that Soviet yards produced in later years, neither country could emerge as a credible power at sea, restricted access to "blue" waters being a major impediment for both. In its quest to become a maritime power, China is also constrained by tyrannies of this same geography, with access to the seas even in the Pacific not easy, leave aside that to the Indian Ocean. India, with its two-coast configuration and island territories that extend its "reach", is better placed, yet capabilities and mindsets that make for such power are not anywhere near.

It is in this perspective that issues connected with our interests at sea should be seen. If the strategy is to contain China militarily while engaging it otherwise, the India-US-Japan-Australia-Vietnam conjunction might appear to be the right way to go; but if the aim is to become a player with some strategic space of its own, not just in the IOR but also in the adjoining region, then greater interaction with China is desirable, even necessary.

This requires not just social, cultural and economic interfaces, such as those just negotiated, but, equally, engagement between the two militaries, especially at sea. At a recent bilateral Track-II meeting in Beijing, a former deputy chief of the PLA General Staff stressed the need to greatly enhance the quality of exercises and exchanges between the two navies as the present level was very ordinary. This suggestion has merit. Future strategic scenarios will increasingly focus on the Indo-Pacific littorals and we must prepare for them more proactively, with maritime security interests acting in concert with diplomacy and our larger national goals and objectives; neither the pre-1962 "Bhai-Bhai", nor the post-conflict "Bye-Bye", but through a steady and careful "By and By".

Going all out for neutrino research

Going all out for neutrino research
A. P. J. ABDUL KALAM
SRIJAN PAL SINGH
India lost its lead in neutrino studies when research tapered off in the 1990s. The India-based Neutrino Observatory can now help it reclaim this advantage and its global leadership in understanding this mysterious particle

Just a few years ago, we witnessed how a national project, the India-based Neutrino Observatory (INO), which is to study fundamental particles called neutrinos, was subject to a barrage of questions from environmentalists, politicians and others ever since it was cleared. The project, which involves the construction of an underground laboratory, was initially to be located in the Nilgiris but later, on grounds that it was too close to tiger habitat, was moved to a cavern under a rocky mountain in the Bodi West Hills region of Theni district, about 110 kilometres west of Madurai in Tamil Nadu.

The already much-delayed and important physics project needs to be explained.

Reclaiming India’s position

India has been among the pioneers in neutrino research, the first of such laboratories having been established in the 1960s. We led neutrino research when our physicists used a gold mine at Kolar in Karnataka to set up what was then the world’s deepest underground laboratory. This was called the Kolar Gold Field Lab. In 1965, it enabled researchers to detect atmospheric neutrinos. In 1992, when the mine became uneconomical, the laboratory was shut down. With that, we lost our advantage in understanding the most mysterious particle in the universe. INO may reclaim this advantage and our global leadership.

Most of the advanced countries are already working vigorously in neutrino science with dedicated labs. These include the United States, Russia, France, Italy, China, Japan and South Korea. India is set to not only join this league, but also become a key player in global efforts in neutrino science. The Magnetized Iron Calorimeter (ICAL) being set up at INO will be among the largest ever in the world, weighing over 50,000 tonnes.

In 2011, we visited the now much talked about Fermi Lab’s neutrino study laboratory. Located about 60 kilometres from the main city of Chicago, the laboratory has been pioneering some major work in understanding elementary particles including neutrinos. In this laboratory — which is deep within the ground and accessible through a large elevator — we could witness the sense of pride among the staff for having such a facility for advanced particle study which could unravel the universe. A professor said, “Fermi Lab is the pride for Chicago. We are happy to see Fermi Lab so close to the city — it makes it easily accessible to us and students.”

INO is designed to go much beyond Fermi Lab in some aspects of neutrino research; to us, this should be a moment of our national pride.

Widely occurring particle

Neutrinos, first proposed by Swiss scientist Wolfgang Pauli in 1930, are the second most widely occurring particle in the universe, only second to photons, the particle which makes up light. In fact, neutrinos are so abundant among us that every second, there are more than 100 trillion of them passing right through each of us — we never even notice them.

This is the reason why INO needs to be built deep into the earth — 1,300 metres into the earth. At this depth, it would be able to keep itself away from all the trillions of neutrinos produced in the atmosphere and which would otherwise choke an over-the-ground neutrino detector. Neutrinos have been in the universe literally since forever, being almost 14 billion years old — as much as the universe itself.

Neutrinos occur in three different types, or flavours – ve, vμ and vτ. These are separated in terms of different masses. From experiments so far, we know that neutrinos have a tiny mass, but the ordering of the neutrino mass states is not known and is one of the key questions that remain unanswered till today. This is a major challenge INO will set to resolve, thus completing our picture of the neutrino.

Neutrinos are very important for our scientific progress and technological growth for three reasons. First, they are abundant. Second, they have very feeble mass and no charge and hence can travel through planets, stars, rocks and human bodies without any interaction. In fact, a beam of trillions of neutrinos can travel thousands of kilometres through a rock before an interaction with a single atom of the rock and the neutrino occurs. Third, they hide within them a vast pool of knowledge and could open up new vistas in the fields of astronomy and astrophysics, communication and even in medical imaging, through the detector spin-offs.

While this should be a moment of joy, there is also some scepticism, partly arising due to the fact that the neutrino, though so abundant, is a silent stranger to most people.

Public misconceptions

Can neutrinos cause cancer? Not at all! Neutrinos are the least harmful of all elementary particles, as they almost never react with solid bodies. The mean free path for iron, or the average distance a neutrino will travel in say an iron rod, before interacting with an atom, is about 1 light year (9,460,730,472,580 km). Needless to say, with the human body being less than 2 metres in height, any harmful effect of neutrino is near impossible.

A few people with whom we have discussed this topic, tend to confuse the “neutrino” for the “neutron”. This has also led to the confusion that neutrinos can be weaponised, which is far from the truth. The neutron bomb, which many discuss, is dangerous but has nothing to do with harmless neutrinos and is made based on a technology around the neutrons, particles which are much heavier. To put this in perspective, the mass of a neutron is 1.67x10-27 kg while the mass of a neutrino is of the order of 1x10-37 kg . Hence, a neutrino is about 17 billion times lighter than a neutron. The two are incomparable.

There is further misconception that laboratory generated neutrinos, fancily termed as “factory made neutrinos”, are more dangerous than naturally abundant neutrinos. Scientifically, this is not true. Neutrinos are fundamental particles; there is nothing such as a natural and an artificial aspect to them. It is like saying that electricity at the same voltage, from a coal-based plant can give one a more severe shock than electricity produced by a hydroelectric plant.

What can understanding neutrinos give us? A lot, actually.

Key role in science

First, neutrinos may have a role to play in nuclear non-proliferation through the remote monitoring of nuclear reactors. The plutonium-239 which is made via nuclear transmutation in the reactor from uranium-238 can potentially be used in nuclear devices by terrorist groups. Using appropriate neutrino detectors, the plutonium content can be monitored remotely and used to detect any pilferage. Neutrino research can be our answer to ensure that no terror group ever acquires nuclear weapons.

Second, understanding neutrinos can help us detect mineral and oil deposits deep in the earth. Neutrinos tend to change their “flavour” depending on how far they have travelled and how much matter they have passed through in the way. Far more importantly, we believe that this same property might help us detect early geological defects deep within the earth, and thereby might be our answer to an early warning system against earthquakes. This is where an area of Geoneutrinos is applicable. First found in 2005, they are produced by the radioactive decay of uranium, thorium and potassium in the Earth’s crust and just below it. Rapid analysis of these Geoneutrinos by neutrino monitoring stations — a process called Neutrino Tomography — could provide us vital seismological data which can detect early disturbances and vibrations produced by earthquakes.

Data transmission

Third, as we now know, neutrinos can pass right through the earth. They may open up a faster way to send data than the current ‘around the earth’ model, using towers, cables or satellites. Such a communication system using neutrinos will be free of transmission losses as neutrinos rarely react with the atoms in their path. This can open up new vistas for telecom and Internet services. Some scientists further believe that if there is any extraterrestrial form of life, neutrinos will also be the fastest and most trusted way to communicate with them.

Fourth, neutrinos are the information bearers of the universe — which are almost never lost in their path. India’s effort in studying neutrinos at INO may help us unravel the deepest mystery of the universe — why there is more matter than antimatter in the universe.

Some scientists believe that formidable neutrino research can help us understand dark matter. Dark matter and dark energy make up 95 per cent of the universe, far more predominant than ordinary matter in the universe — but we hardly understand it. Neutrinos are the only way to detect this great mystery which may completely alter our understanding of the universe and physics. Searches for this dark matter can only be carried out in INO.

We believe that the neutrino is our mode of access to some of the most unimaginable technologies, and therefore, with INO, India is poised to take its rightful place at the helm of neutrino research. For example, the particle detectors developed for the neutrino experiment at INO can also be used to detect the photons in positron emission tomography (PET) which is used to identify cancerous tumours.

Hundreds of thousands of years ago, a species, Homo sapiens,went about rubbing two small rocks until they ended up producing the spark and then the fire which helped man master the planet. Today, we stand at a point in time when we are on the verge of manipulating fundamental particles with the possibility that they may allow us to master the universe.

Will India phase out fossil fuels as pledged by G7 nations?

Will India phase out fossil fuels as pledged by G7 nations?
Experts say developed nations should have greater share of responsibility.

After G7 countries committed to phase out fossil fuel consumption by 2100 in Germany recently, is it time that India also pursued this goal? While some climate experts argue that should be the case, others say that developed countries have a greater share of responsibility, which they haven’t lived up to as yet, and it is they that need to be pressured to do more.

“The long-term goals for decarbonisation in the G7 communiqué are not matched by the pledges on emission reduction that they have tabled for 2020 and 2030,” senior economist Nitin Desai, a member of the Prime Minister’s Council on Climate Change, told The Hindu , to a query on whether the G7 countries’ announcement was indeed significant.

Indrajit Bose, climate expert at the Third World Network, said that the G7 countries had shifted the goalpost to the end of the century which was “highly unambitious.”

“These countries should have cut fossil fuel consumption long ago. In fact, the latest Structured Expert Dialogue report released in Bonn, Germany, shows that 1.5 degree Celsius is the desired global average surface temperature we should be aiming for and even 2 degree Celsius is unsafe. For this 40-70 per cent reduction in greenhouse gas emissions are required by 2050, which won’t be achieved by pushing the goal to 2100.”

No consensus yet

After the U.S.-China deal on climate change came through in November last year, there have been expectations that India too would commit itself to an emissions target. But no consensus with regard to cutting fossil fuel consumption was reached at the United Nations Framework Convention on Climate Change (UNFCCC) sessions which concluded on June 11 at Bonn, Germany, Ravi Shankar Prasad, Joint Secretary, Ministry of Environment and Forests (MoEF), who attended it, told The Hindu.

“Although some streamlining of probable goals did happen, a more concrete document would only emerge in the next session of the UNFCCC meet scheduled in August-September,” he said.

No headway has also been made in determining India’s Intended Nationally Determined Contributions (INDC) for the 2015 Paris agreement. “Any decision on this front made by India would be keeping in mind our development and growth requirements,” he said.

Abhishek Pratap, senior campaigner (renewable energy) at Greenpeace India said that India’s coal consumption had not reached the same levels as China’s for it to commit to a peaking year as China did last year. According to him, for India to be able to phase out fossil fuels it would require financial support from the $100 billion Green Climate Fund available per year till 2020. However, European countries are not willing to extend this assistance, on the grounds that India is a rich country.

Prof. Sudhir Chella Rajan of IIT, Madras who tracks climate policy, said India could nevertheless safely pledge to cut fossil fuel consumption by 2100. But he emphasised that deep emission cuts must come from developed countries like the U.S. “It is no good saying that the U.S. is constrained by conservative politics. If we have to save the earth, we have to move beyond national politics.”

'नरेन्‍द्र मोदी मोबाइल ऐप्‍प

प्रधानमंत्री नरेन्‍द्र मोदी ने आज 'नरेन्‍द्र मोदी मोबाइल ऐप्‍प' प्रारंभ किया। यह एप्लिकेशन श्री नरेन्‍द्र मोदी के रोजमर्रा के कार्यकलापों की जानकारी उपलब्‍ध कराता है। यह एप्लिकेशन श्री नरेन्‍द्र मोदी की ओर से सीधे संदेश और ई-मेल प्राप्‍त करने का अवसर प्रस्‍तुत करता है। इसमें 'टू डू टास्‍क्‍स' के माध्‍यम से योगदान देने और बैज हासिल करने का विकल्‍प भी उपलब्‍ध है।
Prime Minister, ‪#‎NarendraModi‬, launches the ‘Narendra Modi Mobile App’. The application provides updates on the day-to-day activities of Shri Narendra Modi. It presents an opportunity to receive messages and emails directly from Shri Narendra Modi. There is also an option to contribute and earn 'badges' through to-do tasks.

Major positive shift in world perception over

Major positive shift in world perception over

Feature Notwithstanding his critics’ remarks that holdalls are always ready at the 7 Race Course Road for foreign trips, Prime Minister Narendra Modi has asserted that it was a matter of pride and satisfaction for him that a major positive shift was taking place in the world about India, its potential and prospects.     In an interview to United News of India (UNI) recently on completing one year in office, Mr Modi observed that the world was new for him and he was new for the world.  Changing image and perception about India in the world was a compulsion and “I did accept this challenge – I will go myself to hold dialogues to effectively tell the world about India, its potentials and prospects,'' he said. Mr Modi said that it should be a matter of pride for all countrymen that India's proposal  before UN of the idea of the International Yoga Day was supported by as many as 177 countries  for the first time in the history of the world body and passed within 100 days.  The world is now gearing up to observe the Yoga Day on June 21. Mr Modi said that at the onset of the 21st century, the concept of BRICS emerged and it was believed that the present century would be driven by members of the grouping. Soon this impression started emerging that India was weak in BRICS and the entire hypothesis was upset.  “This situation put responsibility on my government. I was aware of the impact of the challenges.” Mr Modi gave full credit to the people for  giving him a decisive mandate to form an absolute majority government  after three decades, which, he said, had helped his regime to enjoy the  image of a ‘decisive administration with confidence’ in the world. From his remarks in the interview, it is quite obvious that Mr Modi is unfazed by the barrage of criticism by his detractors that he has no time to undertake inland tours so extensively vis-a-vis foreign lands. In any case, Mr Modi appears to have brought a rare energy to India’s  foreign policy, infusing it with a dash of colour and his own personal  warmth in ties with world leaders even as he has kept up a frenetic pace  in his diplomatic engagement –- visiting 18 countries in the course of  his first year in office. Mr Modi brought in his own distinctive style right from the day he took over on May 26, 2014. His gesture to invite seven South Asian neighbours, from the South Asian Association for Regional Cooperation (SAARC) and Mauritius, to his swearing-in was an assertion of his government’s neighbourhood policy. The surprise invite and the sight  of so many leaders from neighbouring countries, including Pakistan, were  hailed as a major foreign policy coup. Mr Modi has not looked back since. He has met the leaders of all the ‘Permanent Five’ (P5) members of the UN - the US, Russia, China, Britain and France – interacting with some of them more than twice. Mr Modi has helped revitalise India’s relations with not just neighbours and the Southeast Asian region, but with the West, the Middle East, and even Latin America and the distant islands of Seychelles. Besides Mr Modi’s foreign visits and interactions with heads of state and government during their India visits, his External Affairs Minister Sushma Swaraj has been quietly busy in cementing India’s ties across the world, with Minister  of State VK Singh actively chipping in.  The year-long hectic diplomatic calendar saw 162 diplomatic engagements with 101 countries between Mr.Modi, Ms Swaraj and MoS VK Singh. The Bharatiya Janata Party (BJP), which stormed to majority on its own strength in the Lok Sabha elections, had in its poll manifesto promised to focus on India’s ties with neighbours. The neighbourhood outreach started in right earnest, beginning with key strategic neighbour Bhutan, which Mr Modi chose as his first port of call.  Bhutan, India’s closest ally for decades, also shares a border with China. Besides visits to immediate neighbours Bhutan, Nepal, Myanmar, Sri Lanka and most recently Bangladesh, Mr Modi has travelled to Europe – visiting France and Germany, the US, Canada, China, and Australia and became the first Indian prime minister to visit Mongolia. Mr Modi has visited Japan, South Korea, Singapore, Mauritius, Seychelles, Fiji and Brazil. He has attended several multilateral summits, including BRICS, ASEAN, EAS and G20. Adding to the neighbourhood outreach, Mr. Modi signalled his government’s determined push to the ‘Look East’ Policy, by terming it ‘Act East’, and following it up with active engagement with the Southeast Asian region. To make the 'Act East' policy really work, the government is giving a major push to connectivity projects through India’s northeast to the ASEAN (Association of South-East Asian Nations) countries – a region where China has a strong presence.  Mr Modi has followed it up with his 'Link West' policy, engaging with countries on India’s west, including the Middle East region. A hallmark of Mr Modi’s foreign policy is his stress on  economic diplomacy, which he does through actively promoting his government’s 'Make in India' initiative, and assuring the foreign governments and the top corporates of ease of doing business in India. As part of the ‘Make in India’ initiative, the Prime Minister has urged foreign governments to participate in India’s railways sector, in manufacturing, infrastructure, defence, smart cities, urban planning and other sectors. He has also been seeking active participation of foreign countries in his government’s other initiatives like Digital India, Skill India, Clean Ganga Mission, Swachch Bharat Mission and Renewable Energy.  Another important aspect of his foreign policy is interacting personally with top CEOs during overseas visits. The Prime Minister has met with the leading CEOs of most top companies in the world, inviting them to participate in the India story.  Mr Modi’s US visit was the most-watched event in the diplomatic calendar in 2014, where he shrugged off any bitterness due to being  denied a visa by the US government in 2005, and bonded with US President  Barack Obama. In a major diplomatic coup, the Prime Minister got President Obama to be the Chief Guest at India’s Republic Day Parade on January 26, 2015. Mr Obama became the first US president to attend the Republic Day parade, and also the American President to visit India twice during his term. He had previously visited India in 2010.Mr.  Obama, who has called Prime Minister Modi a “man of action”, and shares a warm chemistry with him, also addressed a joint “Mann ki Baat” radio address with him during his visit to India in January this year. Even though India shares close economic ties with China, the relationship is overshadowed by unease over the unsettled boundary question, Mr. Modi has, however, tried to build a healthy relationship with the Chinese leadership. He has  met Chinese President Xi Jinping four times in the past one year –  possibly the most times he has interacted with any other world leader.  When President Xi came to India in September, Mr Modi invited him over to Ahmedabad and the two confabulated while taking a walk along the Sabarmati river front, amid a colourful backdrop with performances by folk dancers and folk musicians on the waterfront. In this, Mr Modi  signaled a breakaway from the formal stiff diplomatic interactions –  that have been the norms for decades in India – and also introduced  states as equal participants in India’s foreign policy.Reciprocating the  Prime Minister’s gesture, President Xi received Mr.Modi in his hometown  of XI’an in Shaanxi province during his May visit to China and accorded  him a spectacular traditional welcome.Though the boundary question did  not see much progress during his China visit, both countries have made  progress in cementing people-to-people ties and economic relations. With Russia, Mr Modi has emphasised India’s close traditional ties. During his coming visit to Russia in July for the BRICS and SCO summits, he would be having his fourth meeting with President Vladimir Putin. The government has stated firmly that India is against Western sanctions on Russia over the Ukraine crisis. However, with Pakistan, India’s difficult western neighbour, the ties have only plummeted. The relationship, which started off on a  promising note with Prime Minister Nawaz Sharif attending the May 26,  2014, swearing-in of Mr Modi and their short bilateral talks  thereafter,  petered out following Pakistan’s insistence on hobnobbing with Kashmiri  separatists just four days ahead of the foreign secretary-level talks on  August 25 last year. India has always maintained that there could be no third party in talks between the two countries. The persistent firing on the border and the deaths of Indian soldiers and civilians has also added to the bitterness. Pakistan has also been constantly raising the Kashmir issue at international forums and has recently released 26/11 mastermind Zakiur Rehman Lakhvi from jail, adding to the bitterness in ties. Mr Modi’s latest tour to friendly eastern neighbour Bangladesh was a historic one, resulting in both countries ratifying the 41-year-old Land Boundary Agreement, one of the two outstanding issues which Dhaka has been keen on India to conclude. Mr Modi, during his talks with Prime Minister Sheikh Hasina and his public speech at Dhaka University,  assured Bangladesh that his government will continue to strive to reach  an accord on the Teesta water sharing, while keeping all stakeholders on  board. With Japan, another friendly country, India upgraded its ties  to special strategic global partnership during Mr Modi’s meeting with  Prime Minister Shinzo Abe in September last year. He shares a close rapport with Australian Prime Minister Tony Abbott, with both sharing warm hugs during his visit to Brisbane last November. With South Korea, where he visited recently in May, both countries elevated their ties to Special Strategic Partnership and to hold the diplomatic and security dialogue in the “2 plus 2” format - between their foreign and defence secretaries. Till now India used to hold such a dialogue with Japan. During his speech at the UN General Assembly in September last year, which was in Hindi, the Prime Minister proposed instituting an International Yoga Day, which was adopted in a record time. In December  last year, the UN General Assembly adopted the India-led resolution  declaring June 21 as 'International Day of Yoga’ with 175 nations  joining as co-sponsors, the highest number ever for any UN General  Assembly resolution. A major change that Mr Modi has brought to India’s foreign policy is in removing the diplomatic jargon from the language that was traditionally followed by South Block for decades. Mr Modi’s speeches have an informal, simple style, in keeping with his own image where he likes to interact informally with people.Mr.Modi also brought in the use of Hindi into India’s foreign policy – which was earlier considered the sole preserve of the English language. Mr Modi, who began his diplomatic engagements in Hindi initially, aided by a translator, has now begun giving speeches in English – keeping in mind the audience. But while speaking informally to large audiences abroad, especially the diaspora, Mr Modi is at his best in Hindi.A major part of the Prime Minister’s interactions abroad has been with the Indian  diaspora. Right from the time he held thousands of ecstatic Indians  spell-bound with his speech at New York’s Madison Square Garden in  September last year, he has made it a point to bind with the diaspora,  and also urged them to participate in the India story in a big way. The Prime Minister announced the decision to merge the Persons of Indian Origin (PIO) cards with its Overseas Citizen of India cards, in a major relief, and lifelong visa to PIOs.Another important facet of Mr Modi’s foreign policy has been his outreach on Twitter and Facebook, not just with his multitude of fans and supporters but with global leaders too.  He is on tweeting terms with Australian PM Tony Abbott, Japan Prime Minister Shinzo Abe, among others. The Prime Minister’s instant tweets and pictures of his interactions during diplomatic engagements give his followers a close look at developments in Indian foreign policy. Mr Modi has also added the 'selfie' to India’s diplomacy, clicking selfies with many world leaders and posting them on twitter. The selfie diplomacy has proved a huge hit, including with the prime minister’s fans.