The battle for toilets and minds

The official sanitation policy has been uniquely focussed on building toilets. But the connection between good health and using toilets has not yet been made

When the road in front of his house is finally laid, in Fatehpur, Uttar Pradesh, Ramesh Kumar hopes he will get permission to set up a small shop in a corner of his compound. Another corner will have a temple, as his father wants. To make place for it, Mr. Kumar will have to pull down a structure built five years ago — a toilet that his joint family of 14 has never used.

“I had some money so I spent a few thousands and built it then, but none of us have used it. And now that my father will live with us, it has to go. The front of a house must have a temple, my father says,” Mr. Kumar grumbles.

One of the rare moments of agreement in the heated political campaign that preceded the general election this May was when both Narendra Modi and former Rural Development Minister Jairam Ramesh announced that toilets were more important than temples in a country where 70 per cent of rural households do not have a toilet (as the 2011 Census shows). Yet, despite the rhetoric, new data shows that Mr. Kumar is no exception — a substantial portion of households with access to toilets are not using them.

Survey findings

Sangita Vyas and Ashish Gupta of the Research Institute for Compassionate Economics (r.i.c.e.), led a Sanitation Quality Use Access and Trends (SQUAT) survey in 13 districts of the five States of Haryana, Rajasthan, Uttar Pradesh, Madhya Pradesh and Bihar. They chose districts whose change in levels of rural open defecation between the 2001 and 2011 census most closely matched that State’s overall change in that period. The villages were chosen randomly, and infield randomisation techniques were used to choose households. In all, they interviewed 3,613 adults from the same number of households, and collected latrine use data on 26,792 individuals in those households.

They found that a full 40 per cent of households in the sample that had a latrine had at least one person who was still defecating in the open. This number was the highest for Rajasthan (57 per cent) and the lowest for Haryana (35 per cent). In all, over a quarter of men with a toilet and 17 per cent of women with a toilet defecated in the open.

In Mr. Kumar’s village — Manawa in Haswa block of the fertile Fatehpur district, and one of those surveyed — these numbers are particularly believable. In 2008, the village was awarded the Nirmal Gram Puraskar for being completely open defecation free, former sarpanch Dhanno Devi, who collected the award from former President Pratibha Patil, told The Hindu. Yet, dozens of houses, particularly in the “Harijan basti” that lies on the north-western edge of the village, have never received toilets under the Nirmal Bharat Abhiyaan (NBA) scheme meant to deliver toilets to all rural households. “The rest of the village has electricity while the line hasn’t even come to us. It was the same with toilets,” says Jug Raj, a Dalit marginal farmer and labourer who built his family a toilet when his two daughters grew up some years ago. He doesn’t use the toilet himself; it’s for emergencies, he says.

Moreover, dozens of other households that have a toilet, either built through the NBA or from their own money, do not use the toilet. “It is much healthier to go in the open,” small farmer Ram Avatar told The Hindu at the village tea shop. “For the new daughter-in-law or for emergencies, you need a toilet. Otherwise, taking a walk in the fresh air is much better for health.”

His views are mirrored by the survey’s findings. Of those who had a toilet but defecated in the open, 74 per cent gave “pleasure, comfort, and convenience” as the reason for this, and another 14 per cent said it was because of “habit, tradition, and because they have always done so.”

Undoubtedly, the majority of people who defecate in the open are not doing it for pleasure; in the survey, of the persons defecating the open, 86 per cent did not have toilets. However, the findings also show that just building toilets without focussing on behaviour change is not going to be enough, the researchers say.

Since India’s sanitation problem has been diagnosed as a lack of access to toilets, the official sanitation policy has been uniquely focussed on building toilets. However, the survey findings also show that the lack of money to build a toilet is not the only thing that is holding rural households back from building toilets; large parts of the population do not seem to have as yet made the association between good health and using toilets.

Stunting in children

This connection between sanitation and child health — stunting in particular — has been forcefully made in the last few years by a significant body of research from Dean Spears and Diane Coffey at r.i.c.e. Mr. Spears, a visiting economist at the Delhi School of Economics, showed for instance that almost all of the difference in the heights of Indian and African children could be explained by nutrient loss on account of open defecation.

Yet, less than a quarter of households with a toilet in the survey said that they had constructed it for health reasons. In Manawa, The Hindu found that “protecting” the “modesty” of their daughters-in-law was the most common reason cited for need for a toilet. Less than half of all households in the survey which did not have a toilet believed that children would be a lot healthier in a village where no one defecated in the open.

As a result, families are unlikely to build a basic toilet that they can afford at their stage of development; across two blocks of Fatehpur, households did not consider building a toilet a priority until they had built themselves a bigger and better house and taken care of other expenses.

This is not true for other developing countries. Bangladesh’s Demographic and Health Survey (DHS) shows that sanitation in Bangladesh has been taken up by the rich and the poor alike, Ms. Vyas said. “In India’s DHS, 21 per cent of households had a dirt floor and no electricity, compared with 52 per cent in Bangladesh in the next year. Clearly, Bangladeshis are poorer,” she said. “But poor Bangladeshis are more likely to use latrines than poor Indians. Of these impoverished Indians (21 per cent of the whole), 84 per cent defecate in the open. In contrast, a mere 28 per cent of the Bangladeshis living in homes with dirt floors and no electricity similarly defecate in the open,” she said.

Building on his “toilets over temples” statement, Mr. Modi had promised during his successful campaign to build a toilet in every Indian house. “People throughout India and around the world are watching optimistically for Mr. Modi to achieve his goal of eliminating open defecation, but to succeed he will have to focus on behaviour change — not construction — and commit to learning and tinkering with new behavioural solutions,” Mr. Spears said

The North-eastern challenge

In a region like the North-east, where few groups actually constitute a numerical majority, the State has been involved in unending and fatiguing efforts to deal with a cycle of demands and counter-demands

The recent attacks and killings in Assam, Manipur and Meghalaya by armed non-State groups represent a challenge and test for the Narendra Modi government and the need to understand the frustrating complexities of the North-eastern region.

Things are not being made easy after strident demands by the newly elected Bharatiya Janata Party MPs from Assam to rid the State of “Bangladeshis,” a phrase that many from the minority community say is aimed at targeting them, irrespective of nationality, and one that can swiftly turn into a security nightmare not just for governments in Delhi and Dispur, but also for ordinary people caught up in a storm. For a moment, the “Bangladeshi” issue has moved away from the headlines because of other events that have captured public attention.

A Superintendent of Police in Assam’s Karbi Anglong district was shot dead when his tiny unit was engaged in a fight with an armed group wanting a separate state for the Karbi community in the jungles of Assam’s eastern hills — the second major setback that the police in the State have suffered, an Additional Superintendent having fallen earlier to the bullets of an armed faction from the Bodo tribe.

Some 400 kilometres west of Karbi Anglong, blurred images emerge of a woman who was executed gangland style execution after she resisted rape by men from the “Garo National Liberation Army” in Meghalaya. The GNLA was launched five years back by a former police officer, who is now in police custody. But the group is still active, extorting funds, and carrying out strikes against security forces and civilians.

Rise of insurgent factions
The law and order situation in the Garo Hills, the home district of Meghalaya Chief Minister Mukul Sangma, is such that a top official says that his men could not have moved to the village of the murdered woman at night as they got word of a possible attack on police convoys. They got the news when the woman’s family walked into a police station and told them what had happened. This is a poor reflection of police capacity, underscoring the need for better equipment as well as strong political leadership.

These issues underline both the ethnic and social complexity of the North-eastern region, home to over 200 ethnic communities, as well as how political mobilisation and armed violence have changed in these past years. While the principal militant factions have been sitting at the negotiating table with New Delhi or in “designated camps” for years, be it the Nagas, Assamese, Karbis, Bodos and Garos, they are being sharply challenged by smaller, more violent, breakaway factions.

Armed with new weapons which are easily available in the illegal small arms markets in the region, combined with new technology and better connectivity, these groups are demonstrating the seamless manner in which they can move across State borders.

The level of violence is especially stark when contrasted with the extraordinary beauty of the countryside across all States, although the towns and cities, as elsewhere, are turning into ugly urban sprawls. The Bodo-Muslim riots in 2012, which displaced nearly half a million people, and the incident earlier this year when over 30 men, women and children were butchered by armed men in the Bodo areas are examples of such violence. All the victims this time were Muslim and the resonance of public anger — of minority as well as non-Muslim, non-Bodo groups — was visible in the overwhelming victory of a non-Bodo candidate in a Lok Sabha constituency.

Amid this fabric, what is often forgotten is the chain of interconnected events and the contemporary political narrative: thus, in the Bodo Territorial Council areas, the first attacks on Muslim and other groups took place in the Bodo areas in 1993. Earlier, few such incidents were reported. There were tensions over land issues but these had not spiralled into the bloodshed that followed later.

There is another process that the Modi government will be aware of — that of manufactured consent. In a region like the North-east, where few groups actually constitute a numerical majority — one is not speaking on religious but ethnic grounds here — the State has been involved in unending and fatiguing efforts to deal with a cycle of demands, counter-demands, agitations and resolutions. This has dominated the political discourse in the region. Thus, almost every State experiencing conflict is witness to a non-violent process by a group demanding greater powers — such as for a community or group of communities, putting forth an overall set of political demands such as greater autonomy or a separate State. Yet, this runs almost in parallel with violent movements for, ironically, either similar demands or, going a step further, for “independence.”

This began with the Naga movement in the 1950s and spread to the Mizo Hills, Manipur, Assam, Tripura and Meghalaya, although in the latter, armed movements rose against their own State governments in the 1990s.

In almost every movement, “outsiders” have been targeted — whether it is those from another State, of a different linguistic or ethnic group or the so-called “Bangladeshis.” Yet, today, in almost every State, major armed organisations which have thrown challenges to Delhi over the past six decades have abandoned the gun and are either negotiating with the Centre or engaging in ceasefire. The most visible sign of this was the landslide victory of a former leader of the United Liberation Front of Assam from the Bodo areas. He crushed the official Bodo candidate in the Lok Sabha election and took his oath of allegiance to the Constitution in Parliament — the very Constitution against which he had taken up arms earlier.

Yet, agreements and semi-agreements have been the pattern in the region. These have a history of spawning breakaway groups which claim to be “anti-talks,” yet want to be at the table with the big boys; they hit hard at easy targets, showing the difficulties that police and other forces face in moving through difficult terrain. The smaller groups too want a share of the funds flowing into the region and the power that goes with it.

Political will is critical to dealing with this. Small States like Meghalaya have been adversely hit by the disinclination of both government and Opposition leaders in taking a tough line on the “boys” in the Garo Hills. Earlier Chief Ministers had demonstrated political courage, authorising crackdowns that forced Khasi and Garo groups to the negotiating table. It is also not a mere coincidence that the armed groups concentrate on the coal-rich areas of the Garo Hills where extraction is highly profitable and where prominent political figures are said to have business interests.

Thus, a pattern has emerged over the past decades — New Delhi, to use a BJP catchphrase, has always tried to appease the largest group agitating or fighting for a cause or one which is prepared to talk. It has not tried to resolve the core issue or issues which involve a broader and deeper dialogue with other groups, and with non-government and civil society figures, scholars and organisations. Without that kind of work, through mediators and counsellors, no agreement can work or last.

Perhaps Delhi thinks it is just a matter of being politically “realistic” — but such realism has backfired time and again. This was most evident during the standoff between Telangana and Andhra. And the North-east, with its many divergent and parallel ethnic mobilisation processes, is a far more difficult place. This then is the problem with what one could call “manufactured comfortable consent” — such agreements rarely last,for they are designed for short-term gains such as placating a demand, winning an election, creating a new elite and giving the government some breathing space. Often, the agitators are not as representative as they claim to be.

Focus therefore is of the essence, and not haste.

No to rights abuse
The Centre should not be diverted by recent events and instead concentrate on speeding up the prolonged Naga negotiations (now on for nearly 18 years). The Delhi-Naga talks do not even have an official negotiator as former Nagaland Chief Secretary Raghaw Pandey quit before the election to join the BJP but did not get a nomination. Other negotiations also need to be pursued with vigour and vision.

The Modi government must send a clear and unambiguous message to its members and followers that they cannot take law into their hands over the issue of “Bangladeshis.” This could spread fear, tension, mistrust and worse in Assam. Due process must be followed — otherwise there is acute danger of violence, tragedy and abuse of human rights just because of a person’s religion. Isn’t the Pune murder of the young Muslim techie by Hindu thugs a warning and wake-up call? The media must play a sober role in this because definitions of “Bangladeshis” are often blurred and arbitrary. We need to abide by the recent judgment in the Meghalaya High Court which, while stating the obvious, defined a Bangladeshi as someone who came to India after the creation of Bangladesh in 1971. Many tend to look at much earlier cut off dates in their search for “illegal migrants.”

New Delhi needs to inform all State governments in the region — whichever the party — that the murder of innocents, of whichever ethnicity, religion or language group, and the abuse of rights by armed groups (or security forces) and local thugs is unacceptable. Such violations need to be met with a cabrated robust response aimed at showing results in a specific time frame.

motivational story

हिम्मत मत हारो
एक दिन एक किसान का गधा कुएँ में गिर गया ।वह गधा घंटों ज़ोर -ज़ोर से रोता रहा और किसान सुनता रहा और विचार करता रहा कि उसे क्या करना चाहिऐ और क्या नहीं। अंततः उसने निर्णय लिया कि चूंकि गधा काफी बूढा हो चूका था,अतः उसे बचाने से कोई लाभ होने वाला नहीं था;और इसलिए उसे कुएँ में ही दफना देना चाहिऐ।

किसान ने अपने सभी पड़ोसियों को मदद के लिए बुलाया। सभी ने एक-एक फावड़ा पकड़ा और कुएँ में मिट्टी डालनी शुरू कर दी। जैसे ही गधे कि समझ में आया कि यह क्या हो रहा है ,वह और ज़ोर-ज़ोर से चीख़ चीख़ कर रोने लगा । और फिर ,अचानक वह आश्चर्यजनक रुप से शांत हो गया।

सब लोग चुपचाप कुएँ में मिट्टी डालते रहे। तभी किसान ने कुएँ में झाँका तो वह आश्चर्य से सन्न रह गया। अपनी पीठ पर पड़ने वाले हर फावड़े की मिट्टी के साथ वह गधा एक आश्चर्यजनक हरकत कर रहा था। वह हिल-हिल कर उस मिट्टी को नीचे गिरा देता था और फिर एक कदम बढ़ाकर उस पर चढ़ जाता था।

जैसे-जैसे किसान तथा उसके पड़ोसी उस पर फावड़ों से मिट्टी गिराते वैसे -वैसे वह हिल-हिल कर उस मिट्टी को गिरा देता और एस सीढी ऊपर चढ़ आता । जल्दी ही सबको आश्चर्यचकित करते हुए वह गधा कुएँ के किनारे पर पहुंच गया और फिर कूदकर बाहर भाग गया।

ध्यान रखो ,तुम्हारे जीवन में भी तुम पर बहुत तरह कि मिट्टी फेंकी जायेगी ,बहुत तरह कि गंदगी तुम पर गिरेगी। जैसे कि ,तुम्हे आगे बढ़ने से रोकने के लिए कोई बेकार में ही तुम्हारी आलोचना करेगा ,कोई तुम्हारी सफलता से ईर्ष्या के कारण तुम्हे बेकार में ही भला बुरा कहेगा । कोई तुमसे आगे निकलने के लिए ऐसे रास्ते अपनाता हुआ दिखेगा जो तुम्हारे आदर्शों के विरुद्ध होंगे। ऐसे में तुम्हे हतोत्साहित होकर कुएँ में ही नहीं पड़े
रहना है बल्कि साहस के साथ हिल-हिल कर हर तरह कि गंदगी को गिरा देना है और उससे सीख लेकर,उसे सीढ़ी बनाकर,बिना अपने आदर्शों का त्याग किये अपने कदमों को आगे बढ़ाते जाना है।

अतः याद रखो !जीवन में सदा आगे बढ़ने के लिए
१)नकारात्मक विचारों को उनके विपरीत सकारात्मक विचारों से विस्थापित करते रहो।
२)आलोचनाओं से विचलित न हो बल्कि उन्हें उपयोग में लाकर अपनी उन्नति का मार्ग प्रशस्त करो।

Sharapova wins French Open for 2nd time
She beat Simona Halep 6-4, 6-7 (5), 6-4 in the final

Sharapova won her second title at Roland Garros in the last three years, overcoming 12 double-faults Saturday to beat fourth-seeded Simona Halep 6—4, 6—7 (5), 6—4 in the final.

“This is the toughest Grand Slam final I’ve ever played,” Sharapova said on court

Tackling India’s economic headwinds

The problems of the economy stem from macroeconomic imbalances and corruption and unless they are addressed, the economy will not recover. The need today is not only for decisive leadership but also for a new, holistic macroeconomic approach

The Bharatiya Janata Party’s dramatic electoral victory is partly the result of the United Progressive Alliance’s failure to tackle the problems affecting India’s economy. A high rate of inflation that persists, declining growth, inadequate employment generation, fiscal deficit, current account deficit (CAD) and corruption all contributed to public disenchantment with the UPA. Therefore, expectations are high that the new government will tackle these problems decisively and bring relief to the public.

The economy’s rate of growth has declined every quarter since the end of 2010-11, i.e., for the last 12 quarters. The industrial sector has shown negative or near zero rates of growth. The services sector, the engine of growth for the economy, has experienced declining rates of growth. So has agriculture. In turn, this has led to sluggish employment generation. The problem has been compounded by the capital intensive nature of current investment which uses less labour and more capital, so that even when output rises, employment hardly grows. Most are forced to work in the informal sector at low wages which when coupled with high persisting inflation, causes economic distress and political unrest.

Increase in inequality

This state of affairs is due to the decline in the rate of investment from its peak of 38 per cent in 2007-08 because of the global economic crisis. It went up in 2009-10 but is down to about 32 per cent. It is still high compared to the figure of around 20-23 per cent in the 1990s. It rapidly increased in the 2000s leading to the boom of 2003-2008. The rapid increase in investment was engineered by allowing national income to shift rapidly in favour of the high savers — those who have high property incomes. This was evident from the direct tax data which showed that corporate tax collections boomed after 1999. This trend has led to a rapid increase in inequality in society and a slow rise in mass consumption so that the growth of the economy has depended more than before on rising investment levels.

Hence the crucial determinant of growth in the economy in the period after 2000 has been investment. As the investment rate declined after 2010-11, the rate of growth of the economy fell. Investment in the economy depends on private investment, both foreign and domestic and on public investment. There has been a problem with each one of them.

The BJP manifesto only presents a hint of its macroeconomic plan. Hopefully, the Union Budget will help clarify matters

Discredited model of investment

The situation has been aggravated by developments on the external and the fiscal fronts. The green shoots in the United States did not bloom, Eurozone went into a double dip recession, Japan continued its sluggish growth and the Chinese and the other BRICS economies slowed down. Thus, the growth rate of exports has been low. But, imports rose sharply due to the high import bill for petro products and the increase in the gold import bill. The consequence has been a high trade deficit and CAD and a decline in demand in the economy. This has also been accompanied by a reduced inflow of foreign investments so that the value of the rupee vis-à-vis the dollar declined sharply in the last few years. This added to the imbalance on the external front with speculation and a flight of capital aggravating it. The threat by credit rating agencies to downgrade the country has been looming large which could lead to an increase in cost of borrowing abroad and a rise in CAD.

Foreign investment has slowed down but it only constitutes around 10 per cent of the total investment in the economy. The bulk of investment is internal and this has slowed down due to several factors. One of them has been the unravelling of scams since 2009 and the subsequent intervention of courts. This has impacted the confidence of the business community which was used to employing crooked means to manage its investments and the markets. After the court interventions, there have been question marks over many decisions like allotment of spectrum, coal blocks and iron ore mining. This has unnerved businessmen who have lost the confidence that they can manage the business environment the old way.

Their confidence has also been shattered by widespread public protest against large-scale acquisition of land needed for major projects. This goes back to the days even before Singur. Resistance has continued in Jaitapur, Kudankulam, POSCO, Tata Mundra and so on. Some big ticket investment projects like the $12-billion project by the Mittals have been called off. The problem remains unresolved because the public perceives a loot of natural resources — land, air, water, spectrum, forests and mines — at its expense. So, the execution of big projects has slowed down. The private corporate sector has been flush with funds which it has not invested due to the uncertainty and sluggish demand in the economy. In brief, the slowdown in internal investment is a result of the discredited model of investment in the country which has been based on collusion between businessmen, politicians and the bureaucracy. Thus, for different reasons, both foreign and domestic private investment has slowed down.

The last element, public investment has also slowed down because of policy paralysis in the government and even more importantly due to the sharp cutback in Plan size in each of the last five years so as to keep the fiscal deficit down; compared to budget estimates, the actual has been less by Rs.5 lakh crore in these five years. This has led to a slowdown in investment in infrastructure and an aggravation of shortages.

Because of the slowdown in the economy, tax revenue increase has suffered. That is why the fiscal deficit has tended to increase. To keep it in check, the Plan size has been curtailed. But that sets up a vicious negative cycle. As the economy slows down, the threat of a downgrade by credit rating agencies increases, revenues of the government rise less and the deficit tends to rise, both of which lead to a loss of confidence and a further slowdown.

Can the new government tackle the difficult economic situation? Prime Minister Narendra Modi is reputed to be a “man of action” but the issue here is what action? The corporate sector has backed him in the hope that he will reverse the misfortunes of industry. The stock markets have risen sharply in the last few weeks. Can the new government simultaneously fulfil the hopes of business and those of underemployed youth hoping for a miracle?

Improving investor confidence

While the rise in the stock markets signals the flow of funds from FII, it does not mean that foreign direct investment will suddenly increase. Further, there is the danger of a speculative bubble building up — as in the past — which could collapse and adversely impact the investment climate. This could be triggered by the continuing easing of the Fed intervention in the U.S. — something that is ongoing. Even if foreign investment increases, it is a small part of the total investment so it cannot be the major stimulus needed. Domestic investment — public and private — needs to be revived. Large investment is going to remain hamstrung by environmental and other clearances and difficulties in acquisition of land unless laws are changed but that would take time. Transparency in business decisions is needed to revive investment, which also needs time. So, the only thing that can be done soon is to increase public investment, especially in rural areas where infrastructure is woefully inadequate.

Schools, dispensaries, roads, telecom, water, small irrigation and so on are needed urgently in rural India. This has the potential to create lots of jobs unlike the big investments and would be much less expensive than in urban areas because land is less expensive. Thus, it would benefit many more people and slow down the expensive and environmentally damaging urbanisation currently taking place. But this requires efficient governance.

In brief, the problems of the economy stem from the macroeconomic imbalances and corruption and unless they are addressed, the economy will not recover. The need today is not only for decisive leadership but also for a new, holistic macroeconomic approach — a break from the UPA’s policies. Unfortunately, the BJP manifesto only presents a hint of its macroeconomic plan and that too towards the end of the manifesto, as if like an afterthought. Hopefully, the Union Budget will help clarify matters.

Kundankulam Nuclear Power Plant became the first nuclear plant in India to generate 1,000 MWe of power.

The first reactor of the Kudankulam Nuclear Power Project attained its maximum rated generation capacity of 1,000 MWe on Saturday afternoon, marking a final technical milestone in the tumultuous history of the atomic project coming up on the Tamil Nadu coast.
This wraps up a gradual three-stage ramping up of power levels in the first reactor of the project that was initiated by NPCIL — the state-owned operator of the project — last year. It signifies that the reactor is almost ready for commercial power generation, 11 months after it attained criticality in July 2013 and over 14 years after the “first pour of concrete” way back in March 2002.
At 1,000 MWe, Kudankulam-I is now also the single largest power generating unit in the country, higher than the 800 MW thermal sets deployed at the Tata Mundra project in Gujarat that had the distinction of being the largest single generation units in operation. The largest nuclear reactor units currently in operation have a capacity of 540 MWe while projects based on a range of 700 MWe indigenous pressurised heavy water reactors are currently under construction at two sites.
“At 13.20 hours today, Unit I of Kudankulam Nuclear Power Plant started generating its full capacity of 1,000 MWe of power,” said R S Sundar, site director, of the project. NPCIL is expected to run the unit for some more time before it stops it for conducting some tests as mandated by the nuclear regulator, the Atomic Energy Regulatory Board, NPCIL officials indicated.
After attaining criticality on July 13 last year, the Kudankulam project’s first reactor had to undergo a series of tests stipulated by the AERB and also by the Russian technology provider Atomstroyexport CJSC, and had to be shut down manually on a couple of occasions. Though the commissioning of the first of the 2X1,000 MWe reactors was originally planned in five years from the date of the “first pour of concrete”, the adoption of the new Light Water Reactor technology for the NPCIL engineers, delays in the supply of components, the task of building in additional safety measures after the Fukushima incident, anti-Kudankulam protests, contributed to delays.
Since achieving criticality, power generation has been gradually raised by state-owned NPCIL, the operator, to 500 MWe, 750 MWe and finally to 1,000 MWe in stages. At every stage, various tests were conducted and the technical parameters verified. Based on the results of the tests at each of the stages and with AERB clearances, the subsequent stages were attained.

Maths internal breakup in last 3 CSAT
Maths Topic Subtopic 2011 2012 2013
Basic HCF,LCM 1 0 1
Ratio Proportion 1 1 4
Linear EQ 1 0 1
Subtotal: Basic 3 1 6
STDW Speed Time Distance Work 2 1 4
Stat averages 1 1 0
Data Interpretation (DI) Pie chart 2 0 5
Tabulation 3 0 0
Speedgraphs Interpretation 3 0 1
Bacterial growth 3 0 0
Age pyramid 1 0 0
Subtotal: DI 12 0 6
oddballs Permutation combination (how many figures possible etc.) 3 0 0
geometry 1 0 0
AP, GP 1 0 1
Subtotal: Odd balls 5 0 1
Maths Total Basic+Stat+STD+DI 23 3 17
% out of 80 MCQs 28.75 3.75 21.25