Strong provisions, weak implementation

Although the state is required to give wide publicity to the Protection of Children from Sexual Offences Act, the law is relatively unknown even to those who need to apply it

Amid the public outcry raging on the streets over instances of rape of children across the nation, the victimised and abused child suffers in silence. Traumatised, dejected and horrified family members of the unfortunate victims find themselves helpless, confused and unable to cope in the aftermath of the heinous crime.

Even though on May 22, 2012, Parliament passed the Protection of Children from Sexual Offences Act, 2012 (POCSO), which came into force on November 14, 2012, this special law to protect children from offences of sexual assault, sexual harassment and pornography, remains an unimplemented law, unknown to most and beyond the reach of those who need to apply it. Sadly, the result is that POCSO — a necessity in India where 40 per cent of the population is below the age of 18 and where over 53 per cent of children reportedly surveyed in 2007 stated that they had experienced one or more forms of sexual abuse — is not complied with despite being in the statute book. There are demands for stiff penalties, expeditious new laws and fast-track courts although POCSO, as a wholesome law, already says it all.

Until recently, various provisions of the Indian Penal Code (IPC) were used to deal with sexual offences against children as the law did not make a distinction between an adult and a child. POCSO deals with sexual offences against persons below 18, who are deemed as children. POCSO provides definitions of “penetrative sexual assault”, “sexual assault” and “sexual harassment” — the offence is considered graver if it is committed by a police officer, public servant, any member of the staff at a remand home, protection or observation home, jail, hospital or educational institution, or by a member of the armed or security forces.

POCSO provides for relief and rehabilitation as soon as the complaint is made to the Special Juvenile Police Unit or the local police, who are required to make immediate arrangements for care and protection. The intent to commit an offence, as defined under POCSO, is also punishable, besides abetment of sexual abuse against a child.

Special emphasis has been placed on ensuring the speedy disposal of trials in special children’s courts as well as following of special procedures to keep the accused away from the child at the time of testifying. Awareness

Despite POCSO enjoining the Central and State governments to take measures for giving wide publicity through the media — television, radio and print — and imparting periodic training to all stakeholders on the matters relating to implementation of POCSO’s provisions, the Act is relatively unknown. Shockingly, in the most recent rape case, the Delhi Police included the Act’s provisions in the FIR reportedly after two days of its filing on April 15, 2013. In the infamous Apna Ghar Rohtak shelter home case of May 2012, where over 100 inmates were allegedly subjected to sexual abuse, the POCSO provisions have reportedly still not been invoked against the accused. The passing of the salutary law is more than significant for a variety of reasons. It defines exclusively the crime of sexual offences against children and fulfils the mandatory obligations of India as a signatory to the United Nations Convention on the Rights of The Child, acceded to on December 11, 1992. For monitoring and implementation of the provisions of POCSO, the Act enjoins that the National Commission and State Commissions for Protection of Child Rights constituted under the Commissions for Protection of Child Rights Act, 2005, shall ensure the effective implementation of the provisions of POCSO. The Supreme Court had, in a hard-hitting directive issued on February 7, 2013, ordered all States to ensure that the regulatory and monitoring bodies are constituted and made functional. However, till date, such Commissions are either only partially-functional or effectively non-functional.

Acting upon a petition by the National Commission for Protection of Child Rights (NCPCR), the High Court, in a path-breaking judgment rendered on April 9, 2013, directed Punjab, Haryana and Chandigarh to ensure that State Commissions for Protection of Child Rights become fully functional, are headed by a person who has been a Judge of the High Court, and that chairpersons and members are appointed through a transparent selection process.

The High Court further directed mandatory registration of all children’s homes, constitution and notification of children’s courts and appointment of special public prosecutors besides ordering the setting up of a proper panel to select members of various committees to be set up for child welfare.

Hence, the entire machinery for monitoring child rights has been galvanised. It has also been ordered that the National Commissions and State Commissions shall start implementing POCSO’s provisions while discharging their functions and that modules/training programmes be initiated in the Chandigarh Judicial Academy to sensitise all stakeholders on child rights and deal with cases in Children’s Court. It is now for the State governments to implement this beneficial mandate and create an effective machinery to check heinous crimes of gross sexual abuse against children.

The Justice Verma Committee Report, in one of its conclusions on child sexual abuse, holds that “there is an urgent need to audit the performance of all institutions of governance and law and order”.

We need to consolidate our efforts and focus our energies on existing laws rather than looking to amend more laws and making still further newer laws, alien to our culture, society, habits, lifestyles and harsh realities of the common man. Insofar as child sex abuse is concerned, POCSO is a wholesome law. The government must create the machinery to implement it and educate its officers besides all stakeholders on what it contains.

The state must not waste time exploring alternatives when the answers exist in a law made by Parliament for these special offences against children, the most vulnerable section of society.

Ending ‘VIP culture’ in public governance

The political executive and the permanent executive should realise they are public servants first and work in harmony to achieve the constitutional objectives

There is a need to arrest the ‘laal batti’ [red beacon] culture in public governance. The Supreme Court of India has been delivering a variety of judgments on matters of public governance, and these have been the subject of debate and discussion. Some of these related to the role of criminals in legislatures, the option to exercise the voting right to reject all contesting candidates by what is known as the “none of the above” option (NOTA), insisting on a fixed tenure for top civil servants’ postings, effecting the transfer of senior civil servants through a Civil Services Board, and civil servants necessarily obtaining written orders from their political masters before implementation. The latest judgment on the use of the red beacon has become a bone of contention. It is indeed timely, significant and relevant as it attacks the feudal mindset of our public servants.

A view has often been expressed that such intervention by the Supreme Court to improve the quality of public governance and democracy would amount to judicial overreach, not warranted by the spirit of the constitutional provisions. In line with this critical view, Pinky Anand, a Senior Advocate in the Supreme Court, wrote in The Hindu (“Keeping politicians at bay”, Nov. 26, 2013) raising some issues on the role of the bureaucracy and politicians, and the maintainability of the petition filed under Article 32 of the Constitution on the relationship between politicians and civil servants. The author stated: “The Supreme Court has assumed itself to be superior to Parliament and is directing Parliament to enact new laws, which seems to be violating the fundamental principle of Separation of Powers.”

But nowhere did the judgment suggest or imply such a view. Para 29 recognises Parliament’s authority to bring in legislation to set up a Civil Services Board. A reference is made to the statement by the Union government’s counsel to the effect that a draft Bill titled “Civil Services Performance Standards And Accountability Bill, 2010” was under the government’s consideration. In several cases, includingVineet Narain (1998) and Prakash Singh (2006), the Supreme Court had recommended legislation to fill the vacuum, and issued directions as an interim measure.

The Supreme Court invoked this approach in the landmark judgment in Vishaka vs. State of Rajasthan(1997), setting out guidelines to prevent sexual harassment and discrimination at the workplace. Although one may not differ with Ms. Anand in arguing that the vacuum in governance prompted the judiciary to step in, the reluctance, indifference and insensitivity on the part of governments cannot be overlooked. The main reason for such an attitude seems to be the fear of erosion of political authority in governance.

A case in point is the lackadaisical approach to the subject of electoral reforms. Although some electoral reforms were recommended by the Election Commission of India, the Law Commission and civil society organisations, ruling parties have justified their inaction on the ground that there was no political consensus. It is amazing that while many pieces of legislation are being enacted with the necessary majority, election reforms and such other governance reforms are not getting through owing to lack of political consensus. This is but lack of political will, and is based on selfish reasons of survival.

Ms. Anand questioned the competence and expertise of the petitioners in asking the “judiciary to overreach into the domain of the executive”. The petitioners made no such request. Their expertise cannot be doubted, considering that collectively they had 2,500 man-years of hands-on experience in public administration. All that they sought was action on the reports of government-appointed commissions and committees, including the Administrative Reforms Commission which was headed by political personalities.

The court’s direction on the subject of the tenure of officers is criticised as an act of “taking away the privilege of Ministers to work with the best officers of their choosing”. But the author overlooks the fact that the judgment explicitly recognises the right of the political leadership to overrule the recommendations of the Civil Services Board by stating that in such a case the reasons had to be recorded by the political masters. The judgment does not in any way impinge upon the domain of the political executive.

An obnoxious nexus

Supreme Court judgments on such matters relating to public administration should not be seen as an issue between the political class and the permanent executive. On the other hand, it has to be seen as an attempt to promote good governance and quality democracy in order to achieve the rule of law and equality of opportunities. Unfortunately, in India there is an obnoxious nexus between some members of both the political class and the bureaucracy, which has, over time, gradually resulted in deterioration of public governance.

This process seems to have started soon after Independence. Vallabhbhai Patel, India’s first Deputy Prime Minister, said in 1950: “Certain tendencies and developments in our administration and public affairs fill me with some disquiet and sadness of heart. Our public life seems to be degenerating. We talk when the paramount need is that of action. With all the sincerity and earnestness at my command I appeal to all my countrymen to reflect on what they see in and around themselves.”

This aspect was highlighted in detail by the Shah Commission report which inquired into irregularities in administration during the Emergency (1975-77). The feudal culture of public servants (and politicians in office) seems to be the bane of our public administration. And it is spreading, resulting in lack of sensitivity, efficiency and accountability in public service.

It is therefore necessary that the political executive and the permanent executive realise they are public servants first, and that it is their duty to work in harmony to achieve the constitutional objectives. Let it be clearly understood that public governance in a democracy is not the private business of any one section. It is the collective responsibility of the government as a whole.

Today, the conditions and circumstances of public administration are different from what they were some time ago. A vigilant civil society, ever-watchful media and the Right to Information Act require that politicians and the bureaucracy are held accountable and their actions remain transparent. They will frequently seek intervention by the judiciary to protect the fundamental rights under a good and effective public governance.

Caveat against power hunger

In 1947, India was an infant aspiring to grow in the comity of nations. The freedom fighters undertook another task of drafting the Constitution based on other countries’ experiences.

One of the issues highlighted in the discussions at the drafting stage was the anxiety to avoid concentration of power in a few individuals as naked greed for power will destroy democratic principles. However, what has actually happened in India in the last few decades is shocking and demoralising. The best political and governance practices have been distorted and twisted by those in power.

We have to realise that there is an urgent need to change the country’s administrative culture if we have to survive as a nation. We need to get away from the leisure culture where public holidays and delays contribute to deficiencies in the delivery of public services. We need to get away from the feudal culture of politicians and civil servants, who adopt a domineering attitude while dealing with the common man. We need to get away from the hostile attitude between the politicians and civil servants vying with each other in exercise of their power.

What we need is not keeping at bay either the politician or the civil servant; what we need is a clear demarcation of their respective roles in rendering public service. The laal batti culture, frowned upon by the Supreme Court, highlights the need for urgent administrative and attitudinal change.

Public Administration Paper II

Section A
Question 1 (Compulsory)

Attempt following about 150 words each. 10 marks x 5 = 50m

Q The charter act of 1853 marked the beginning of parliamentary system in India. Explain
Q Civil service neutrality is founded on the application of the principles of rule of law. Comment
Q The second generation reforms in Panchayati Raj institution have changed Panchayats from an agency of Development at local level into a political institution. comment
Q Finance commission in India performs the job of statistics aggregation. comment
Q Planning enables comprehensive and scientific understanding of problems. Examine the statement in context of planning methodology.

Question 2

Q Bureaucratic agencies, characterized by established procedures, specialization, leadership, clean objectives, are not ideal to handle disaster Management. examine with reference to the need for Administrative flexibility in managing disasters. (20 marks | 250 words)
Q The liberal -democratic ideology of the west influenced in shaping of value premises of the Indian Constitution. Discuss. (20 marks | 250 words)
Q Autonomy to public sector undertakings is a myth. Analyze in the context of the use of government Expenditure by politicians to control governments at different levels. (10 marks | 150 words)

Question 3

Q Laws are enacted without involving police in the conception stage, with the result implementation of these laws leaves much to be desired. Examine the role of police in protection of children. (10 marks | 150 words)
Q Central Secretariat is the nodal agency for administering the union subjects and establishing coordination among the various activities of government discuss. (20 marks | 250 words)
Q Is there is need to dispense with the office of the governor? Examine in the context of coalition governments. (10m | 150w)

Question 4

Q “There is a tendency of centralism in Indian federalism, but it is not because of its institutional framework but because of its socialist goals and centrally devised plan development.” explain the statement in the context of union-state relationships (20m|250w)
Q Use of information and communication technology in Panchayat’s function enhances efficiency, transparency and accountability and also induces mass ICT culture. Examine (20m|250w)
Q Judicial review of administrative tribunal’s decision defeats the very objective of establishing tribunals. Comment with reference to central Administrative tribunal. (10m|150w)

PubAd.Paper 2: Section B

Question 5 (Compulsory)

Attempt following about 150 words each. 10 marks x 5 = 50m

Q Public Administration today tends to be less of public in quantitative terms, but more responsive to public needs than before in qualitative terms. Examine with reference to citizen centric administration
Q Performance budgeting failed because it was applied to sectors/ programs where quantitative evaluation was not feasible. Examine the principles underlying performance budgeting techniques.
Q The design of the Indian police was to subjugate the India n people in the aftermath of 1857. Analyze in the context of Indian police Act of 1861.
Q Reducing the size (geographical area) of the district will provide relief to the overburdnened and overworked collector. comment
Q The concept of social audit is more comprehensive than that of traditional audit. comment

Question 6

Q Gandhian model of decentralization is similar to the process of reinventing governance. Analyze in the context of good governance. (20m|250 words)
Q Accounting is the essence of producing promptly and clearly the facts relating to financial conditions and operations that are required as a basis of management. Substantiate the statement in the context of accounting methods and techniques in government (20m|250 words)
Q Explain the important recommendations of VT Krishanamachary Committee (1952) on the Indian and State Administrative services and problems of district administration. (10m|150w)

Question 7

Q The 73rd amendment, it is felt, may accentuate fiscal indiscipline by establishing between states and local governments a system of transfers, similar to the one in place between central and state government (world d bank) Comment (20m|250w)
Q Municipal administration in India faces both structural and operational challenges. examine in context of the post 74th amendment act (20m|250w)
Q Self-help groups (SHG) have contributed to a change in the role of rural women in development from symbolic participation of empowerment (10m|150w)

Question 8

Q There is both criminalization of politics and politicization of criminals in India . Examine and identify the challenges they cause for law and order administration. (20m|250w)
Q The basic ethical problem of an administrator is to determine how he/she can use discretionary power in a way that is consistent with democratic values. comment with reference to corruption in administration (20m|250w)
Q Justify the Constitutional provisions to treat certain expenditure as charged upon Consolidate fund of India (10m|150w)

optional subject -public administration paper,IAS MAINS-2013

UPSC comes with new word limits here: 10 marks = 150 words and 20 marks = 250 words. There is one question worth 30 marks- but word limit not mentioned.
Gandhi Prem continues here also. (in paper II)
The Question Paper ‘skeleton’ remains same like earlier i.e.

Eight Questions in two sections (A and 
Candidate has to attempt five questions.
Question #1 and #5 are compulsory.
Out of the remaining, pick any three- but choose at least one from each section.

PAPER I

Questions 1 (Compulsory)

Answer the following, questions in not more than 150 words each. 5 questions x 10 marks each.

Q How did the traditional Public Administration resolve the fundamentally irresolvable problem- creating an administration strong enough to be effect but not strong enough to endanger accountability?
Q The theory of organizational incompetence has two separate and distinct faces. Examine Chris Argyris’ views on this
Q In the globalized Public Administration, hierarchy creates more ethical problems than it solves. Comment
Q Public Administration in the neo-liberal era is government less by the instruments of accountability and more by those of external accountability Elaborate
Q Discuss the views that “tribunals should have the same degree of independence from the Executive as that enjoyed by the supreme court and high courts, especially for those tribunals that look over the functions of high courts.

Question 2

Q New Public Administration may have neither been the savior its enthusiasts promised, nor the devil its critics worried it would be. Discuss. (25 marks | word limit not mentioned)
Q “The design of physical structures, the anatomy of the organization came first, and was indeed the principle consideration.” “An organization is a system of interrelated social behaviors of participants” Analyses these statements and evaluate the contribution of the respective approach to Administrative theory. (25 marks | word limit not mentioned)

Question 3

Q Decisions are not made by organizations, but by human beings behaving as the members of organizations. How do Bernard and Herbert A. Simon conceptualize the relation between decision of the individual employee and the organizational authority? 20 marks
A variety of different organizational arrangement can be used to provide different public goods and services. Example the theory underlying this proposition and its potential contribution. 15 marks.
Q What is the nature of psychological contract persued by organizational management through authority and employees through exertion of upward influence? 15
Question 4

Q Structure theory is by and large, grounded in classical principles of efficiency, effectiveness and productivity. Explain. 25 marks
Q Public interest is still inadequate as a ground concept to evaluate public policy. Discuss. 25 marks.

PubAd Paper I: Section B (Question 5 to 

Question 5 (Compulsory)

Answer all five, in not more than 150 words each. 10 marks x 5 = 50 marks.

Q Comparative Public Administration both resembles and differs from modern organization theory. elaborate
Q In organizational analysis, there is always gender around (Gouldner). Argue
Q What is Administrative elitism? How does it evolve in Public Administration? elaborate your response with reference to historical examples
Q The success of e-government projects in most developing countries s is state to be rather low. Assess the reason.
Q What new models of budgetary capacity and incapacity have emerged after the decline of planning programming budgeting and zero based budgeting?

Question 6

Q “For those who use the euphemism of ‘shared power’ for participation, the appropriate literature for guidance is practical politics and not organization and Management.” “Stronger state and strong civil society are the need to develop both participatory democracy and responsive government as mutually reinforcing and supportive.” Bring out the myths and realities associate with public participation. 20 marks
Q “….in most cases….newly independent states, of the nations of Africa, Asia and Latin America, despite their differences…are in transition.” (Ferrel Heady). What common features are indicative of characteristics of their Administrative patterns (cultures)? 15m
Q “To talk about the regulatory framework is to talk about short governance.” Analyze the statement in the context of public private partnership and identify the elements of regulation. 15m

Question 7

Q Economic reforms are a work in progress, with the state reluctant to fully relinquish its reins. Discussion the statement with regard to implementation of economic reforms in India . 15
Q “the policy process was not structured in the way required by bureaucratic planning.” ”Arguably, instrumentalism now stands most in contrast to neo liberal nationality that impose market against both gradual change and democratic liberalism.” analyses these two statements. 20 marks.
Q Budget allocations involves series of tensions between actors with different backgrounds, orientations and interests and between the short term goals and long term institutional requirements. Discuss. 15 marks

Question 8

Q8a. Read following instances carefully and suggest what specific perspectives on organizational psychology of motivation would help the concerned organization to reconcile the needs of the following four persons with the needs of organization: 30m

Mr.A comes to his office with clocklike punctuality; does his work with impeccable honesty and integrity; takes orders from above gladly; responds well to overtures by peers; but neither mixes with anyone himself nor seeks anyone’s company. what is more, he seem quite happy in his isolation.
Mr.B is an efficient charge hand at the welding shop. He is very outgoing and makes friends fast, but falls out with them very fast too. He is, however, easily pacified when anyone asks him to calm down in the name of the organization.
Mr.C is completely happy and absorbed when he is teaching in the classes, and doesn’t at all mind when is workload gets heavier and covers new areas. But he gets angry when the finance section raises objection about his medical bills; and is furious that the higher administration is yet to give him full tenure.
Mr.D is a metallurgist in the forge shop of the steel plan, and has received honors for his innovativeness in modifying conventional alloys. He also paints well and values his painting skills far more than his metallurgy and is extremely unhappy that company house journal did not finally carry his water sketch on its front cover.
Q8b. Suppose the government of India is thinking of constructing a dam in a mountain valley girded by forests and inhibited by ethnic communities. What rational techniques of policy analysis should it resorts to for coping with likely uncertainties and unforeseen contingencies.

Indian varsities lag behind in research

China and Taiwan have taken the top spots in the Times Higher Education Ranking 2014 for universities in BRICS and emerging economies. India has ten of its universities on the list, with Punjab University ranking the highest at 13. PHIL BATY, editor, Times Higher Education Rankings, shares his views on the rankings.

Why was Peking University, China, selected number 1? Did it meet the overall 13 indicators? In which particular indicator does it stand out?

To be really high in these rankings you have to show strong performance across all areas. But Peking University in particular has got the maximum score for industry income. It has been successful in attracting money from industry and businesses for carrying out research and development. The single best indicator in the rankings is the research impact, and here Peking performs pretty well — one of the strongest performances of any university.

It also has a strong global reputation for providing high-quality teaching, with positive best faculty-student ratio.

Which of these economies has an overall good infrastructure for education?

The outstanding performer by a long, long way is China. It prioritised developing world class universities in the 1990s. It has had a very specific focussed government drive to improve the quality of its research universities, with a strong investment in building its research infrastructure.

It has had generous scholarship schemes to attract Chinese nationals back into China, and those who left China for their Master’s courses and doctorates have been lured back with generous salaries and good packages.

Though I think it’s also a political drive. China has earmarked a smaller number of elite universities for special attention to make them globally competitive, and that has made a big difference. This is where it perhaps differs from India as both countries have had huge expansion of student numbers, so they have to build capacity just to meet the massively growing demand. But while doing that, China also gives special support to universities to keep them world class.

What was the basis of selecting Panjab University as the top Indian university?

Panjab University has a very strong school for research. It has contributed research papers which have pushed forward the boundaries of knowledge in the field. It is doing research which is influential globally.

Its highest score is the citation impact, which is our research influence indicator. It is outstanding in research, which gives it an edge over some of the IITs.

Why have the IITs not made it to the top 10?

IITs are renowned for high-quality education; they take the finest students. But, it’s partly the methodology of the ranking — what we are looking at is world class, research-led universities. We give more weightage to research output. The research infrastructure in India is not quite as strong, and they have not received much investment in comparison to places like China, for example. While they produce excellent graduates, they fall down a bit on the research indicator.

Indian institutions, in general, have more restrictions on attracting foreign talent, exchanges and international recruitment. Universities need to be attractive to international faculty, master’s and doctorate students.

But things are changing, so I’m sure we’ll see India improve in these rankings. They are already well ahead of Russia and Brazil for example, in terms of large emerging economies (in the rankings). So that’s very encouraging news.

Delhi University which is known to be among the best universities in the country has been left out. Your comments...

One of the challenges we have with India is that there has been a hesitation to participate in the rankings. In order to create the ranking list, we need universities to actively engage in the assessment process.

Some universities haven’t been forthcoming in sharing data. DU was not on the list of participants. So, this is not the complete picture.

We are working with the Ministry of Human Resources and Development and the Planning Commission to encourage Indian universities to embrace these ranking, so that they properly benchmark their performance against the world’s best universities.

What are the shortcomings of the universities (Indonesia, for example) that did not make it to the list?

In Indonesia, the universities are developing; there is a young population and a burgeoning economy. So, it’s a real power to watch. If they successfully convert some of their economic growth into investing in higher education, it would be an exciting future for Indonesia. But as of now, they don’t have the research infrastructure and research output. They haven’t focussed on being globally competitive or internationalising their research activities.

There’s enthusiasm in Indonesia in making sure that universities are part of the economic development of the country. In future, we will have exciting countries (in the list).

But, it’s partly the dominance of countries like China and Taiwan, which has pushed out other countries that do not make it to the list.

In one respect, half of the places in the ranking list have been taken up by China and Taiwan. This shows how far they've come in the development of prioritisation of higher education as a major driver of their economies.

How do you find the quality of best universities in the emerging economies vis-à-vis the best universities in the US and Western Europe? Where are they lacking and what key areas can be improved upon?

The positive thing about this ranking is that universities from the emerging economies are already making progress against the universities in the rich economies. Peking University and Tsinghua University, China, for example, are in the top 50 in the world rankings. The University of Cape Town, South Africa and National Taiwan University, Taiwan, are already in the top 200. So, the top of this list is already starting to compete on level terms with the US and Western Europe.

But the harsh reality is that money is so important. Places like Harvard, MIT, Oxford, and Cambridge — that head this list — are able win huge competitive research grants from their national systems. It does really come down to money as you need money to build infrastructure, to pay salaries to attract the staff, to build an environment to draw top students.

But, what we are seeing is that the growing economies have, at different levels, recognised the importance of investing in universities. In India, there's a commitment by the government to increase the proportion of GDP on research — this could be significant as the Indian economy grows.

Only two universities from Russia make it to the top 100 in the rankings…

We try to accommodate a wide range of institutions in the list. We do include IIT and LSE, which are very focussed. The methodology we follow is to ensure that different types of institutions can be compared fairly together. But, when the universities are too small and too specialist, it is not statistically valid to compare them. It’s hard to compare a small specialist Physics institute, for example, with Oxford or Harvard which are very large comprehensive institutions.

Russia has two institutes (Moscow Institute of Physics and Technology and the Moscow State Engineering Physics) both of which have done well in physical sciences in world rankings, but they are too specialist to be included in the overall analysis.

National Monsoon Mission

Government has launched the National Monsoon Mission to set up a state-of-the-art coupled ocean-atmospheric climate model for a) improved prediction of monsoon rainfall on extended range to seasonal time scale (16 days to one season) and b) improved prediction of temperature, rainfall and extreme weather events on short to medium range time scale (up to 15 days). 

The mission is envisaged to achieve the operational implementation of the state-of-the art dynamical prediction system for more accurate monsoon rainfall prediction on all spatial and time scales over the Indian region. The improved system will help us in issuing more accurate short range forecasts (up to 3 days) and warnings for extreme weather events like heavy rainfall events, active (heavy) and break (weak) spells during the monsoon season in advance and more accurate seasonal forecasts for all-India monsoon rainfall.

An allocation for the mission is Rs. 400.0crores for a period of 5 years (2012-2017).

Union Minister of Science & Technology and Earth Sciences Shri S.Jaipal Reddy gave this information in reply to a written question in the Lok Sabha Sabha today.

Research on Climate Change

Ministry of Earth Sciences has a long-term program of monitoring one of the major fjords at Ny-Ålesund (1200km to the south of the North Pole) on the Svalbard archipelago in the Arctic region to understand how it may respond to changing climate. Main objective of the project is to establish a long-term comprehensive physical, chemical, biological and atmospheric measurement programme to study:

i) The variability in the Arctic/Atlantic climate signal.
ii) The effect of interaction between the warm Atlantic water and the cold glacial-melt
iii) fresh water on the biological productivity and phytoplankton species composition
iv) and diversity within the fjord.
v) The winter convection and its role in the biogeochemical cycling.
vi) The trigger mechanism of spring bloom and its temporal variability and biomass production.
vii) The production and export of organic carbon in the fjord.

In addition, following the understanding on February 2013 Delhi meeting of the Belmont Forum, a new multi-institutional Collaborative Research Activity has been proposed for exploring the linkage between the Arctic and Antarctic climate variability and the Monsoon as a new global initiative to be led by India and France.