A sunny alliance to fight climate change With progress in technology, solar energy is rapidly becoming competitive

A sunny alliance to fight climate change

With progress in technology, solar energy is rapidly becoming competitive 

More than 130 heads of states are expected to speak at the 21st session of the Conference of Parties (COP 21) to the United Nations Framework Convention on Climate Change (UNFCCC) starting in Paris on 30 November. On the inaugural day, Prime Minister Narendra Modi and French President François Hollande are expected to jointly launch an international solar alliance of more than 100 countries located between the tropics. Mooted by the prime minister, the alliance aims to bring together countries endowed with a rich supply of sunlight on a common platform to jointly pursue the development of solar power through effective sharing of finance, technology and best practices.

With rapid progress on frontiers of technology and the availability of capital at low costs, solar has emerged as an attractive source of energy. A recent tender floated for a solar park in Andhra Pradesh’s Kurnool district by state-run NTPC received a record low bid of Rs.4.63 per kilowatt-hour by US-based SunEdison Inc. The convergence in tariffs with other sources of energy is unmistakable. The solar alliance may further bring down the costs by permitting effective exploitation of economies of scale and comparative advantages of different countries in research and development, manufacturing and finance. The gains from such an alliance will also depend on the design of the institution and how its objectives are aligned with the national interests of the participating countries.

The world famous entrepreneur Peter Diamandis once said, “We live in a world bathed in 5,000 times more energy than we consume as a species in the year, in the form of solar energy. It’s just not in usable form yet. But there are amazing breakthroughs there… Technology can help that.”

It is exactly what technology is doing. According to a study by Bloomberg New Energy Finance (BNEF), the year 2015 has seen significant enhancement in the competitiveness of onshore wind and crystalline silicon photovoltaics against coal-fired and gas-fired electricity generation. The SunEdison’s bid in Andhra Pradesh is indicative of the same trend in India.

Since coming to power, Modi has taken a number of steps to ramp up the use of renewable energy and combat climate change. He stepped up the target for solar energy set by the previous government five-fold to 100 gigawatts (GW) to be achieved by 2022. The target for renewable energy is now 175 GW for the same year. With financial and technological assistance from developed countries—as stated in its Intended Nationally Determined Contribution submitted to the UNFCC in the run-up to the Paris climate talks—India aims to achieve 40% cumulative electric power installed capacity from non-fossil fuel-based energy resources by 2030. These targets have served as an appropriate signalling instrument for India’s commitment to the fight against climate change.

A number of global green firms like SunEdison are seeking opportunities to invest in clean energy projects. As India stakes its claims for these investments, it faces tough competition from other major developing nations. India has slipped down by one position in the past one year in the 2015 Climatescope report published by the BNEF, which ranks the top countries for renewable energy companies to do business in.

Among the 55 countries from Asia, Africa, Latin America and the Caribbean studied by the BNEF, India now stands at No. 5, behind China, Brazil, Chile and South Africa. The top performing states in India are Tamil Nadu, Karnataka and Madhya Pradesh. In a healthy sign, Rajasthan and Uttar Pradesh, perceived to be laggard states, find a place in the top 10.

The planned move to establish the international solar alliance comes at an interesting time. At the Paris climate talks, many believe that India might be pressured to accept far more stringent targets than it has committed to. On the other hand, the initiative of building an international solar alliance will accord India with a soft power image and leadership position that will blunt the pressure tactics of the developed countries. The task for India at Paris, however, remains tough as it has to display its firm commitment towards combating climate change while at the same time preserving for itself the rightful space to grow, a process which will inevitably involve significant growth in carbon emissions. Not discounting its potential long-terms benefits, an international solar alliance can be a useful part of India’s balancing strategy in Paris.

Will an international solar alliance help in reducing the cost of solar power?

हिमालय पर विश्व वन्य कोष की रिपोर्ट

भारत उन प्रमुख राष्ट्रों में से एक है जिन्हें प्रकृति ने प्रचुर जैव-विविधता का अमूल्य उपहार प्रदान किया है। उत्तर में विशाल हिमालय तथा दक्षिण-पश्चिम एवं पूरब में समुद्र से घिरा भारत विश्व की 7-8 प्रतिशत जंतु एवं वानस्पतिक प्रजातियों का निवास स्थल है। 96000 पशु प्रजातियों तथा 45500 पौध प्रजातियों के निवास वाले भारत में विश्व के 12.5 प्रतिशत स्तनी; 4.5 प्रतिशत पक्षी, 45.8 प्रतिशत सरीसृप एवं 55.8 प्रतिशत उभयचर पाए जाते हैं। भारत के 4 जैव-विविधता वाले क्षेत्रों को जैव-विविधता हॉट स्पॉट घोषित किया गया है।
जीवन की विविधता धरती पर मानव के अस्तित्व और स्थायित्व को मजबूती प्रदान करती है। संयुक्त राष्ट्र संघ द्वारा 22 मई को अंतर्राष्ट्रीय जैव-विविधता दिवस घोषित किए जाने के बावजूद यह जरूरी है कि प्रति दिन जैव-विविधता से संबद्ध मामलों की समझ और उनके लिए जागरूकता बढ़ाई जाए। इसी लक्ष्य के दृष्टिगत ‘विश्व वन्य कोष’ (World Wild Life Fund) ने 5 अक्टूबर को ‘विश्व पर्यावास दिवस’ (World Habitat Day) के अवसर पर पूर्वी हिमालय की जैव-विविधता से संबंधित एक रिपोर्ट जारी की, जिसके माध्यम से 10000 पौध प्रजातियों, 300 स्तनी, 977 पक्षी, 176 सरीसृप, 105 उभयचर तथा 269 ताजे पानी की मछलियों वाले इस पूर्वी हिमालय क्षेत्र में बढ़ रहे पर्यावास संकट के प्रति लोगों को आगाह किया गया है।

• 5 अक्टूबर, 2015 को विश्व पर्यावास दिवस के अवसर पर विश्व वन्य कोष ने पूर्वी हिमालय की जैव-विविधता से संबंधित एक रिपोर्ट जारी की।
• हिडेन हिमालयाजः एशियाज वंडरलैंड (Hidden Himalayas : Asia’s Wonderland) नामक इस रिपोर्ट में उन नवीन प्रजातियों का वर्णन है जिन्हें वर्ष 2009 से वर्ष 2014 के मध्य इस क्षेत्र में खोजा गया था।
• वर्ष 2009-14 के मध्य पूर्वी हिमालय क्षेत्र में 211 नई प्रजातियों की खोज की गई। इसमें 133 पौधे, 39 अकशेरुकी, 26 मत्स्य, 10 उभयचर, एक सांप, एक पक्षी तथा एक स्तनी शामिल हैं।
• इस रिपोर्ट में नेपाल का तराई क्षेत्र, भूटान, उत्तर-पूर्वी भारतीय राज्य (अरुणाचल प्रदेश, असम, सिक्किम तथा उत्तरी बंगाल) उत्तरी म्यांमार एवं दक्षिणी तिब्बत के क्षेत्र को सम्मिलित किया गया है।
• इन खोजी गई नवीन प्रजातियों में 15 भूटान एवं 60 से अधिक नेपाल से संबद्ध हैं।
• नवीन प्रजातियों में हिमालयन पिट वाइपर (प्रोटोबो थ्रोप्स-हिमालयंसुस), लघु ड्रेकुला फिश (डनियोनेल्ला ड्राकुला), बोनी स्नेक हेड मछली (चन्ना एंड्राओ), चपटी नाक वाला बंदर (रिनोपिथेकस स्ट्राइकेरी) तथा नीली आंख वाला मेंढ़क (लेप्टो ब्राचियम बोम्पू) प्रमुख हैं।
• पौधों की 133 प्रजातियों में 15 सुंदर आर्किड की प्रजातियां सम्मिलित हैं। ये पौधे 35 विभिन्न वानस्पतिक परिवारों से संबद्ध हैं।
• लेफ्रागुरी (पश्चिम बंगाल) से स्नेक हेड मछली की एक नवीन प्रजाति की खोज की गई है।
• 1.2 मीटर तक अधिकतम लंबाई वाली यह मछली 4 दिन तक स्थल पर जीवित रह सकती है। पानी के अंदर होने पर इसे सतह पर सांस लेने के लिए आना पड़ता है।
• स्पाटेड एलाचुरा या स्पाटेड रेन (Wren) बब्लेर (एलाचुरा-फारमोसा) घने जंगलों में पाई जाने वाली गहरे भूरे रंग की एक चिड़िया है।
• इस चिड़िया की किसी पक्षी, परिवार या प्रजाति से कोई समानता नहीं है।
• अरुणाचल प्रदेश में मेंढक की एक नई प्रजाति की खोज की गई है। यह लेप्टो ब्राचियम प्रजाति में सबसे अलग है क्योंकि इसकी आंखों का रंग नीला है।
• अरुणाचल प्रदेश से सींग वाले एक मेंढ़क की (मेगोफ्रायस अंक्राए) खोज की गई है।
• साथ ही इस रिपोर्ट में पूर्वी हिमालय के क्षेत्र में बढ़ रहे संकटग्रस्त वनस्पति तथा जंतुओं की प्रजातियों पर चिंता व्यक्त की गई है।
• इसका प्रमुख कारण घटते आवास को बताया गया है रिपोर्ट के अनुसार, 25 प्रतिशत ही जैव आवास शेष बचे हैं। रिपोर्ट में जीवों के आवास बचाने तथा अन्य उपाय करके इन्हें बचाने का भी सुझाव दिया गया है।
• रिपोर्ट में जलवायु परिवर्तन को इसके लिए प्रमुख जिम्मेदार माना गया है। साथ ही जनसंख्या वृद्धि, निर्वनीकरण, अत्यधिक चराई, मानवीय अतिक्रमण, वन्य जंतुओं का व्यापार, खनन प्रदूषण एवं जल-विद्युत विकास भी पारितंत्र के लिए नुकसानदेय है।

भारत के प्रमुख जैव-विविधता हॉट स्पॉटस हिमालय-संपूर्ण हिमालय क्षेत्र जिसमें भारतीय हिमालय क्षेत्र सहित पाकिस्तान, तिब्बत, नेपाल, भूटान, चीन तथा म्यांमार सम्मिलित हैं। इंडो बर्मा-इसके क्षेत्र में उत्तर-पश्चिम भारत, म्यांमार, थाइलैंड, वियतनाम, लाओस, कंबोडिया तथा दक्षिणी चीन सम्मिलित हैं। सुंडालैंड-सुंडालैंड हॉट स्पॉट के अंतर्गत निकोबार द्वीप समूह के साथ-साथ इंडोनेशिया, मलेशिया, सिंगापुर, ब्रुनेई तथा फिलीपींस को सम्मिलित किया गया है। पश्चिम घाट एवं श्रीलंका-इस हॉट स्पॉट में पश्चिम घाट एवं श्रीलंका सम्मिलित हैं। स्रोत-इनविस (Envis) सेंटर ऑन फ्लोरल डायवर्सिटी-स्पांसर्ड बाई-मिनिस्ट्री ऑफ एनवायरनमेंट, फॉरेस्ट एंड क्लाइमेट चेंज, गवर्नमेंट ऑफ इंडिया।

The new wave of global terrorism

The recent series of dastardly and heinous attacks hold several important lessons for international efforts to counter terrorism

he recent series of dastardly and heinous attacks in places as dispersed as Baghdad, Beirut, Bamako, Kabul and Paris by myriad terrorist outfits ranging from the Taliban to Islamic State and al-Qaeda hold several important lessons for international efforts to counter terrorism.

First, cities, especially those with a significant international presence (such as Bamako, one of the fastest growing cities in Africa and the world with a population of two million) or megapolis’ that are centres of the globalized world (such as Madrid, London, Mumbai or Paris) have predictably emerged as the preferred targets of terrorism for a number of reasons. In contrast, attacks in rural areas, such as Gurdaspur, fade out of the public eye.

The role of cities as engines of global economy coupled with their dense populations, openness and dynamism makes them particularly attractive for assault. Unsurprisingly, even small groups of less than 10 have effectively terrorized and paralysed a city for days. Consequently, as the world continues to urbanize—more than 50% of the global population will be living in cities by 2030—cities will become battlefields of terrorism. How acts of terror are prevented and dealt with in cities will be significant in blunting the objectives of terror groups.

This is being increasingly recognized and acted upon by national and local leadership. Most recently, following the Paris outrage, French President Francois Hollande called a special meeting of all city mayors to strengthen their ability to prevent and combat attacks. Similarly, cities such as New York have dedicated counter-terrorism units whose personnel are not only proactive in the city, but further afield in countries where such attacks are planned and practised.

In contrast, Indian cities, even after the 2008 Mumbai attacks, remain woefully ill-prepared at the local level to respond to, let alone prevent, such attacks. Here, the government’s smart cities initiative is a useful opportunity to build the necessary resilience of Indian cities to protect themselves against acts of terror.

Second, cities and states—particularly democratic ones—struggle to find the appropriate and effective response to terrorist groups, which will on the one hand deter or destroy the terrorist group and on the other uphold the democratic and pluralistic values that the states are built upon. Often, given the traumatizing and stunning nature of the attacks, states are inclined to prioritize the former at the cost of the latter.

However, the shock and awe of urban terror attacks notwithstanding, it is important to remember that no terrorist group has ever succeeded in entirely defeating and overwhelming a state. The only exception is the Taliban-al-Qaeda combine, which was able to capture Afghanistan in the 1990s. However, even this group was able to accomplish this reportedly only with the help of other states—notably from Pakistan and Saudi Arabia. Thus, states confronting terror attacks can choose the time and place to retaliate, although managing public outrage is a formidable challenge.

Finally, in many of these incidents—notably Paris and London—the attacks were carried out by disgruntled and marginalized citizens, holed up in their suburban ghettos, bitter at being excluded from the mainstream polity and prosperity of their countries, and seeking extremely destructive ways to express their grievance. This is evident from the fact that over a thousand French citizens and around 750 Britons have joined Islamic State. In the long run, assimilating such individuals (mostly belonging to the minority) would be imperative to weed out the scourge of terrorism. India, which has lost only 100 or so of its citizens (despite its much bigger population) to this extremist cause by building a viable counter narrative and an inclusive pluralistic society, needs to ensure that both are strengthened.

Countries can choose to ignore these lessons from the new wave of terrorism only at their own peril.

Can India deliver in South-East Asia?

India cannot afford the luxury of inaction if it wants to preserve credibility in East and South-East Asia

Prime Minister Narendra Modi’s visit to Malaysia and Singapore has once again focused the attention of Indian diplomacy on a region that is not only a hub of economic growth and prosperity in Asia, but is also critical for global stability against the backdrop of China’s rise. While trade and investment remain central to India’s outreach to South-East Asia, the larger strategic context should not be lost sight of as India engages with the region. India has been building strategic partnerships with Malaysia and Singapore, but New Delhi needs to engage with the region as a whole more substantively.

New Delhi, which so often likes to sit on the margins and avoid taking sides, must assume it can no longer afford the luxury of inaction if it wants to preserve credibility as a significant actor in both East and South-East Asia. New Delhi has an ambition to expand its footprint in the region, which has so far been viewed as outside India’s core interests. At a time when China’s bullying behaviour has been evident in its actions and pronouncements, India should be doing more to signal that it is ready to emerge as a serious balancer in the region. The regional states have often complained about Indian diffidence and its lack of seriousness. The Modi government is more serious than its predecessor, though it remains far from clear if it is well-prepared to challenge China on its own turf.

India is wading into the South China Sea dispute between China and its neighbours by not only calling for “freedom of navigation in international waters, the right of passage and over-flight, unimpeded commerce and access to resources in accordance with recognized principles of international law including the 1982 United Nations Convention on the Law of the Sea”, but also agreeing to cooperate with the US in “safeguarding maritime security and ensuring freedom of navigation and over-flight throughout the region, especially in the South China Sea”. Presenting a contrast to China’s aggressive policies in the South China Sea, India is also showcasing its own maritime dispute with Bangladesh, which it successfully resolved through international arbitration, as an example worth following in the region. Recently, in its joint statement with the Philippines, India referred to the South China Sea as the West Philippine Sea, a term that Manila has been using since the escalation of its maritime dispute with China. Defence cooperation is soaring with regional countries ranging from Japan, Vietnam, the Philippines and Singapore to extra-regional powers such as the US and the UK.

But India needs to do more and move fast. The engagement of East and South-East Asia remains a top foreign policy priority for the Indian leadership. India has been a full dialogue partner of the Association of Southeast Asian Nations (Asean) since 1995, a member of the Asean Regional Forum, the regional security forum, since 1996, and became a founding member of the East Asian Summit launched in December 2005. India is also a summit partner of Asean on par with China, Japan and South Korea since 2002. India has also cultivated extensive economic and trade linkages with various countries in the region, paralleling a gradual strengthening of security ties.

India and Asean marked their 20 years of partnership with a commemorative summit in New Delhi in December 2012. The highlight of the summit was the conclusion of talks on a free trade agreement (FTA) on services and investment, which is expected to increase bilateral trade to $200 billion by 2022 and lead to talks on the Regional Comprehensive Economic Partnership, which also includes Australia, China, Japan, South Korea and New Zealand. India was admitted as a sectoral dialogue partner of Asean in 1992 and went on to become a full-fledged dialogue partner in 1996. There has been a significant increase in India-Asean trade from $42 billion in 2008 to an estimated $100 billion this year. The FTA on goods was signed in 2010 despite some significant opposition in India, and the FTA in services and investments with Asean came into force in July 2015, paving the way for freer movement of professionals and further investment opportunities.

It is time now for India to push for its membership in the Asia-Pacific Economic Cooperation, especially as this is something that India’s partners in the region and beyond are enthusiastic about under a proactive Modi government.

India’s efforts to make itself relevant to the region come at a time of great turmoil in the Asian strategic landscape. Events in recent years have underlined China’s aggressive stance against rivals and US allies in Asia. And there may be more tension to come. With its political and economic rise, Beijing has started trying to dictate the boundaries of acceptable behaviour to its neighbours. As a result, a loose anti-China balancing coalition is emerging. India’s role becomes critical in such an evolving balance of power. As Singapore’s elder statesman Lee Kuan Yew suggested long back, India should be “part of the South-East Asia balance of forces” and “a counterweight (to China) in the Indian Ocean”.

New Delhi needs to assure the regional states of its reliability not only as an economic and political partner, but also as a security provider. As the regional balance of power in Asia changes and as the very coherence of the Asean comes under question, there will be new demands on India. The rapid rise of China in Asia and beyond is the main pivot even as New Delhi seeks to expand economic integration with the region. India is also developing strong security linkages with the region and trying to actively promote and participate in regional and multilateral initiatives. Smaller states in the region are now looking to India to act as a balancer in view of China’s growing influence and America’s anticipated retrenchment from the region in the near future. And larger states see this as an attractive engine for regional growth.

It remains to be seen if India can indeed live up to its full potential, as well as to the region’s expectations.

The need to look beyond the Pay Commission

When more than 2.3 million people rushed to apply for just 368 positions for the job of a peon in the Uttar Pradesh government recently, including some with professional qualifications, it was widely seen as an indication of joblessness in the country. While it is correct that the economy has not been able to generate enough quality jobs for a growing workforce, it is also true that the government offers much higher wages, as well as perks, that are not available in most cases in the private sector. The rush to apply for government jobs is thus more a reflection of a massive wage premium at the lower levels of the labour market than sluggish job creation.

The Seventh Pay Commission, which submitted its report last week, has made such jobs even more attractive. Among the terms of reference before the commission was to design a “framework for an emoluments structure linked with the need to attract the most suitable talent to government service, promote efficiency, accountability and responsibility in the work culture, and foster excellence in the public governance…” It missed the opportunity to do something about this.

India needs to build state capacity to meet the challenges of the new century. It needs to replace the file pushers and file carriers who multiplied during the socialist era with an efficient civil service that knows how to regulate a modern economy, provide public goods, and manage a welfare system that needs better human capital. Governance is becoming increasingly complex, and the government needs to attract suitable talent to respond to the challenges of the 21st century.

However, the commission did not significantly deviate from the past in “principles of pay determination” and, as a consequence, it is unlikely that civil administration will change either. The commission, as has been the practice in the past, relied on need-based wage calculation. Clearly, the quality of output is not relevant in the exercise.

Based on the norms decided by 15th Indian Labour Conference in 1957, along with some supplements, the minimum wage was arrived at, and the difference with existing pay was adjusted across the board accordingly. Senior officers who shoulder maximum responsibility, and should be compensated adequately in the commission’s view, have been given a slightly higher index for adjustment.

A study conducted by the Indian Institute of Management, Ahmedabad, for the commission showed salaries in the private sector are much smaller at the lower level compared with government jobs, and that it is at the higher level where the government falls short in compensating employees.

However, the recommendation ignores this reality. The minimum wage recommended is more than double that of the going rate in the market, and since the structure of the government is bottom-heavy, it will continue to significantly overpay an average employee with practically no incentive to perform. In fact, the commission in its report said issues of productivity and efficiency should be looked at administratively.

To be sure, several committees and two administrative reforms commissions have looked into various aspects of civil administration in the past, but not much has changed over the years.

Taxpayers are periodically given a higher wage bill to settle, with no material difference in the quality of service from the government. This needs to change.

The nature of challenges and complexity of governance demands greater flexibility in hiring and wage setting. Today, there is no mechanism where high-performing individuals can be rewarded and non-performers can be reprimanded on a regular basis.

The commission has recommended that non-performers be “phased out after 20 years”, meaning annual increment be stopped for people who don’t meet the benchmark for assured career progression. Even if implemented, it is unlikely to have any impact.

Perhaps, it is time to debate the kind of changes required in civil administration, which has remained broadly what the country inherited from its colonial ruler.

Is civil administration in India equipped to tackle increasing complexities of governance?

Panel calls for standard GST rate of 23-25%

India moved a step closer to introducing the goods and services tax (GST), the nation’s biggest tax reform, after a panel proposed that the standard revenue-neutral GST rate could be in the range of 23-25%.

These calculations, drawn up by the National Institute of Public Finance and Policy (NIPFP), provide an important input into the deliberations of the panel headed by chief economic advisor Arvind Subramanian that
is looking into what should be the revenue-neutral rate under GST.

Its recommendations will be placed before the empowered group of state finance ministers. The Subramanian committee’s suggestions are expected to also take into account the government’s political compulsions; it would prefer to avoid high GST rates.

A revenue-neutral rate means no revenue loss to the centre or the states.

This rate could be in the range of 18-19% if there is only a single GST rate, according to the institute’s calculations. However, if goods and services are taxed at different rates as proposed at present, the standard GST rate will be in the range of 23-25%, according to a person familiar with the development who declined to be named.

The lower and upper bounds of both estimates are based on the assumption of a central sales tax rate of 2% and 4%, respectively.

According to the current design of the GST agreed between the centre and the states, goods are likely to be taxed at three different rates—a special rate for precious metals, a lower merit rate for some important goods as well as a standard rate that will be applicable on most goods.

Earlier, in November 2014, a rate of around 27% (state GST at 13.91% and central GST at 12.77%) was considered too high by both the government and industry with finance minister Arun Jaitley reiterating in May this year the government’s intention to bring in a more moderate rate.

The empowered committee of state finance ministers had asked the NIPFP to rework the GST rate last year.

Tax experts underplayed the latest proposal.

“It is still only an NIPFP report, and like the previous time does not arrive at a politically and economically satisfactory number,” said Satya Poddar, partner, tax and regulatory, policy advisory, at consultancy firm EY. “The key will be the recommendations of the Subramanian committee that will soon submit its report.”

“There is a thought process among certain sections that there could be a single GST rate structure provided the tax rate was 12% or below. But for this, exemptions will have to be kept at a minimum, especially in services,” he said.

A GST is expected to remove barriers across states and integrate the country into a common market, thus reducing business costs and boosting government revenue. The indirect tax would replace existing levies such as excise duty, service tax and value-added tax. However, a moderate GST rate is considered key for the successful implementation of GST as an exorbitant rate may encourage tax evasion.

A moderate rate will be politically more acceptable than a revenue-neutral rate. The government had set up a committee in June under Subramanian to arrive at GST rates by factoring in the economic growth rate, tax compliance levels and the GST taxpayer base. This committee is expected to submit its report soon.

The final rate will be decided by the GST council—a representative body of the centre and states that will be set up after the constitutional amendment bill for GST’s passage gets Parliament’s nod. The amendment bill is awaiting the Rajya Sabha’s approval where the ruling alliance is in a minority.

The government had planned to implement the GST from 1 April 2016, but may now be forced to push the rollout to the beginning of any month in 2016-17.

“The standard rate should ideally be around 20%,” said R. Muralidharan, senior director at Deloitte in India, another consultancy. “Most other countries have a GST rate of less than 20% and it is important that India’s GST rate is also around these levels to ensure that we remain competitive.”

The idea of a single GST rate structure was proposed in 2010, but was shelved after opposition from the states, Muralidharan said.

ISRO working on 4-D, 5-D imaging technology: scientist

The Indian Space Research Organisation (ISRO) is working on 4-D and 5-D imaging technology.

Disclosing this after inaugurating the 6{+t}{+h}International Conference on Health GIS here on Friday, distinguished scientist and professor at ISRO, A. Sivathanu Pillai said work on 4-D and 5-D imaging technology was part of the space agency’s engagement with “hyperspectral imaging,” which is a new and emerging area in Geographic Information System (GIS).

“Using the satellite, we are trying to process and view the five-dimensional images,” said Dr. Pillai, who is also the former Managing Director of BrahMoS Aerospace, Ministry of Defence.

Pointing out that 4-D and 5-D imaging technology would be coming out in a big way, Dr. Pillai said researchers, doctors and students would soon be able to use the most advanced GIS tool for welfare activities.

He appealed to institutions and others to make use of the valuable spatial data available at ISRO facilities for preventing epidemics and improving healthcare.

Dr. Pillai, who recalled how the images of coconut trees in Kerala, obtained from remote sensing satellites, helped tackle the spread of a viral disease a few decades ago, pointed out that spatial data patterns can be used for public health interventions in a cost-effective manner.

Healthcare and prevention of diseases can be better addressed if all relevant data and analyses are provided in GIS maps through an institutionalised arrangement involving the government agencies.

Vice-Chancellor of JSS University B. Suresh referred to the recent rains in Chennai and said GIS could be used to address a possible outbreak of post-flood epidemic. The breeding space for diseases can be identified through GIS and necessary healthcare measures can be taken.

The theme of the international conference on GIS organised by JSS University in association with Asian Institute of Technology, Bangkok and Khon Kean University, Bangkok, is “Geo ICT for Epidemic Control and Healthcare.”

It is part of the space agency’s engagement with ‘ hyperspectral imaging’