Nasa says Earth’s ozone hole shrivels to smallest since 1988

Nasa says Earth’s ozone hole shrivels to smallest since 1988
Nasa says in 2017 the ozone hole is more than twice as big as the US, but it’s 1.3 million square miles less than last year and 3.3 million square miles smaller than 2015

The ozone hole over Antarctica shrank to its smallest peak since 1988, Nasa said on Thursday.

The huge hole in earth’s protective ozone layer reached its maximum this year in September, and this year Nasa said it was 7.6 million square miles wide (19.6 million square kilometers). The hole size shrinks after mid-September.

This year’s maximum hole is more than twice as big as the United States, but it’s 1.3 million square miles less than last year and 3.3 million square miles smaller than 2015.

Paul Newman, chief earth scientist at Nasa’s Goddard Space Flight Center, said stormy conditions in the upper atmosphere warmed the air and kept chemicals chlorine and bromine from eating ozone. He said scientists haven’t quite figured out why some years are stormier — and have smaller ozone holes — than others.

“It’s really small this year. That’s a good thing,” Newman said.

Newman said this year’s drop is mostly natural but is on top of a trend of smaller steady improvements likely from the banning of ozone-eating chemicals in a 1987 international treaty. The ozone hole hit its highest in 2000 at 11.5 million square miles (29.86 million square kilometers).

Ozone is a colourless combination of three oxygen atoms. High in the atmosphere, about 7 to 25 miles (11 to 40 kilometers) above the earth, ozone shields earth from ultraviolet rays that cause skin cancer, crop damage and other problems.

Scientists at the United Nations a few years ago determined that without the 1987 treaty by 2030 there would have been an extra 2 million skin cancer cases. They said overall the ozone layer is beginning to recover because of the phase-out of chemicals used in refrigerants and aerosol cans.

Demonetisation: A resounding success

Demonetisation: A resounding success
Demonetisation has provided Indian citizens an opportunity to reimagine not only their currency, but also their social mores, honesty, and compliance with law
India was transfixed and transformed a year ago on 8 November, when Prime Minister Narendra Modi, in his resolute war against corruption and black money, demonetized Rs500 and Rs1,000 currency notes. The political verdict came swiftly with stunning wins for the Bharatiya Janata Party (BJP) in Uttar Pradesh and Uttarakhand, and rapid government formation in Manipur and Goa. The prime minister’s popularity reached new heights and his approval ratings soared to levels rarely seen in democracies. The people of India recognized that a surgical strike was required to curtail illicit activities and blessed demonetisation. Thus, in political terms, demonetisation has already proven to be a resounding success.

On the other hand, in economic terms, a heated debate is under way whether demonetisation has been a success or not. Several reputed economists have pronounced their judgements on demonetisation.

For instance, Dr Raghuram Rajan has mentioned that he believed that while there might be long-term benefits, the short-term economic costs of demonetisation would outweigh them and that there were alternatives available to achieve the main goals. He has chosen not to elaborate what he thought the long-term benefits might be nor has he quantified the short-term costs.

Dr Manmohan Singh has estimated the cost of demonetisation to be 2% of gross domestic product. These quick assessments appear specious. Zhou Enlai, when asked in 1972 about what he thought the impact of the French Revolution of 1789 was, is said to have commented that it was too early to tell. When revolutionary changes take place, it takes years, decades, or even centuries before the impact of such transformations can be studied and commented upon.

Note that we lack scientific data and thorough analytical studies on the economic impact of demonetisation. For any massively complex system, judging the impact of a large disruption requires careful understanding of influence channels, distilling its impact on multifarious variables and finally, measuring its bearing, if any, on a variety of outputs. An economy as varied as India’s is highly complex with multiple inputs, not-completely-understood dynamics, many agents and actors with different motivations, and finally, outputs which are not measurable with accuracy or certainty. It will take many years to filter out the economic impact attributable to demonetisation and, indeed, this bold move and its implications will, quite probably, be the subject of hundreds of dissertations. Consequently, any snap judgements will be coloured largely by ideology and opinion.

Some data is beginning to emerge on how the economic trajectory actually played out as opposed to estimates of how the various models predicted that they would play out.

Since demonetisation, the government has embarked on another ambitious bipartisan reform of consolidating various levies and taxes in different states into one comprehensive goods and services tax (GST): such a large reform intervention also creates its own changes in the economy.

To appreciate the changes that demonetisation brought about, we need to carefully choose and measure the relevant short-term high-frequency indicators and a few emerging long-term indicators which point to the direction that the economy has since taken.

High-frequency and quantitative indicators like (1) cash-to-GDP ratio, (2) volume of digital payments, (3) number of new registered taxpayers, and (4) estimate of “unaccounted for” money and the number of tax notices sent indicate that demonetisation has generated material changes. The cash-to-GDP ratio is now down to 9.7%, from 11.3% pre-8 November last year. This cash is now in the banking system which has helped swell the current accounts and savings accounts balances of banks: this will allow them to lend and invest more, and at lower rates. Digital payments, at Rs50,000 crore in the month of October 2017, are up 41% year-on-year. The finance minister has stated that 9.1 million taxpayers have been added to the tax net as a result of actions taken by the income tax department during fiscal year 2017. Further, the ministry of finance has indicated that between Rs3 trillion and Rs4.2 trillion is “unexplained” during the cash deposit rush post-demonetisation and hence has sent out 1.8 million notices to assesses: apart from the one-time benefit to revenue of such “declarations”, these moves could bring significant stock and flow of incomes into the tax net. This data shows that demonetisation has had a positive impact on the formalization of the economy, improving the tax base and hastening the use of digital payments. Consequently, it is quite plausible to argue that these effects, which will clearly have an ongoing GDP impact, could easily swamp the impact of a one-time 2% decline in GDP.

Apart from these purely economic factors, there is another more profound behavioural change that has been accomplished. A new normal has been established—Indians are paying their taxes and moving towards a less-cash society. There is a pronounced trend towards tax compliance driven by the belief that the system is working to reward honest taxpayers even as it makes life difficult for those who have been used to evading or underpaying taxes. GST and the implementation of the benami transactions Act make it even more difficult for anyone in the economic chain to opt out of the taxation system.

Massive reforms like demonetisation cannot be measured solely by using economic parameters but need to take into account the structural shift that such reforms induce in society. Societal and long-term economic changes are difficult to measure and require more reasoned, detailed, and patient analyses: this should increase our resolve to do deeper research rather than jumping to hasty, ill-informed conclusions. demonetisation has provided Indian citizens a unique opportunity to re-imagine not only their currency, but also their own social mores, honesty, compliance with law, and their willingness to change and adapt to a more transparent and New India. We should celebrate this New India.

GST :A REVIEW FROM GOVT POINT OF VIEW

GST :A REVIEW FROM GOVT POINT OF VIEW

What is Nirbhay missile?

What is Nirbhay missile?
'Nirbhay', a two-stage missile, is 6-metre long, 0.52 metre wide and with a wingspan of 2.7 metre. It can carry the designated warhead at a speed of 0.6 -0.7 Mach. Its launch weight is about 1500 kg.
What is Nirbhay Missile?
On Tuesday, India successfully conducted a flight test of its state-of-the-art sleek cruise missile ‘Nirbhay’, which is capable of carrying warheads of up to 300 kg. The indigenously designed and developed long-range sub-sonic cruise missile was launched from a test range at Chandipur along the Odisha coast. Defence Research and Development Organisation (DRDO) sources told PTI that the missile was launched from a specially designed launcher from the launch complex-3 of the Integrated Test Range (ITR) at Chandipur in Odisha’s Balasore. This was the fifth experimental test of the homegrown missile system. This is a big feat for India because out of the four earlier trials ever since its debut launch in 2013, only one was successful.
How does it function?
‘Nirbhay’, a two-stage missile, is 6-metre long, 0.52 metre wide and with a wingspan of 2.7 metre. It can carry the designated warhead at a speed of 0.6 -0.7 Mach. Its launch weight is about 1500 kg.
With an operational range of 1,000 km, the missile is fueled by a solid rocket motor booster developed by the Advanced Systems Laboratory (ASL). The missile is guided by a highly-advanced inertial navigation system which is also indigenously designed and developed by the Research Centre Imarat (RCI), DRDO sources had told PTI. ‘Nirbhay’ missile can travel with a turbofan or turbojet engine. The way it functions is this: Soon after the cruise missile is able to achieve its designated altitude and velocity, the booster motor is separated and the engine automatically switches on taking further propulsion.
A DRDO scientist associated with the project told PTI that ‘mid-way in its flight, the missile’s wing opens up by commands generated by the high-tech on-board computer for stabilising the flight path’. There are ground-based radars and IAF aircraft that help track the missile’s trajectories from lift off to splash down.
What happened during earlier test flights?
The maiden test flight of ‘Nirbhay’ held on March 12, 2013 had to be terminated midway for safety reasons due to malfunction of a component. However, the second launch on October 17, 2014 was successful, he said. In the next trial conducted on October 16, 2015, the missile deviated from its path after covering 128 km. The last test flight held on December 21, 2016 had to be aborted after 700 seconds of its test flight as it deviated from its designated path. All these trials were conducted from the same base at Chandipur ITR.
Three Pune labs contributed significantly for crucial parts of Nirbhay missile
Three Pune laboratories of the DRDO played a significant role for crucial parts like initial booster, warhead and the launcher for Nirbhay missile. Pune-based High Energy Material Research Laboratory (HEMRL) has contributed for the initial booster system that launches the missile. Armament Research and Development Establishment (ARDE) helped in developing the warhead of the missile and its special launcher was designed and developed by the Research and Development Establishment (Engineers), R&DE(E) at Dighi in Pune.

CONGRATULATIONS 'Magnificent Mary' !!
Five-time world champion #MaryKom @MangteC wins #Gold medal 🏅at the #AsianBoxingChampionships beating North Korea’s #HyangMiKim in the 48 kg final #ASBC2017Women

Restructuring of National Rural Drinking Water Programme

Cabinet approves continuation and Restructuring of National Rural Drinking Water Programme

The Union Cabinet chaired by the Prime Minister Shri Narendra Modi has accorded its approval for continuation and restructuring of National Rural Drinking Water Programme (NRDWP) to make it outcome-based, competitive and better monitored with increased focus on sustainability (functionality) of schemes to ensure good quality service delivery to the rural population.

A sum of Rs. 23,050 crore has been approved for the programme for the Fourteenth Finance Commission (FFC) period 2017-18 to 2019-20. The programme will cover all the Rural Population across the country. The restructuring will make the programme flexible, result-oriented, competitive, and will enable the Ministry towards to reach the goal of increasing coverage of sustainable Piped Water Supply.

The details of the decision are as follows:

1. National Rural Drinking Water Programme (NRDWP) is to be continued co-terminus with the 14th Finance Commission cycle till March 2020.

2. With the restructuring of the NRDWP, there will be 2% earmarking of funds for Japanese Encephalitis (JE) /Acute Encephalitis Syndrome (AES) affected areas.

3. A new Sub-programme under NRDWP viz. National Water Quality Sub-Mission (NWQSM) which has been started by the Ministry of Drinking Water and Sanitation in February 2017 will address the urgent need for providing clean drinking water in about 28000 Arsenic & Fluoride affected habitations (already identified). As per estimates, about Rs. 12,500 crore as Central share will be required over 4 years i.e. up to March, 2021. This is being funded from the allocation under NRDWP.

4. Pre-financing for the agreed schemes, to the extent of half of the second instalment amount, will be made by the State Governments, which will be reimbursed later on from the central funding. If the State(s) fails to claim this amount before 30th November in the financial year, then, these funds will become a part of the common pool, which will be released to the high performing States, which have already pre-financed the requisite Government of India share on a first come first serve basis.

5. Other half of second instalment of funds will be released to the States based on functionality status of completed piped water supply schemes, which will be evaluated through a third party.

6. The Cabinet has approved Rs. 23,050 crore for the programme for the FFC period 2017-18 to 2019-20.

The NWQSM aims to cover all rural population in Arsenic/Fluoride affected habitations with clean drinking water on a sustainable basis by March 2021. States have been given more flexibility in utilization of NRDWP funds by reducing the number of components under the programme.

As per the Integrated Management Information System (IMIS) of the Ministry of Drinking Water and Sanitation, about 77% of rural habitations in India have achieved a fully covered (FC) status (40 litres per capita per day) and 56% of the rural population have access to tap water through public stand posts within which 16.7% have household connections.

Background:

The NRDWP was started in 2009, with a major emphasis on ensuring sustainability (source) of water availability in terms of potability, adequacy, convenience, affordability and equity. NRDWP is a Centrally Sponsored Scheme with 50.50 fund sharing between the Centre and the States. Over the years, learning from the success achieved and the deficiencies felt during the implementation of NRDWP, certain modifications are needed in existing guidelines and procedure of release of funds to the States for making the programme more outcome-oriented and competitive.

Keeping in view the need to make the NRDWP more result-oriented, incentivize competition amongst States and focused on sustainability, a series of discussions were held with States, various stakeholders / domain experts / international institutions and NITI Aayog, some amendments in the guidelines of the programme have been introduced. These are giving more flexibility to the states in utilization of NRDWP funds by reducing the number of components under the programme. Focus on piped water supply, increase level of service delivery, thrust on coverage of water quality affected habitations (National Water Quality Sub-Mission to tackle Arsenic & Fluoride affected habitations, JE / AES areas), coverage of Open Defecation Free (ODF) declared villages, SAGY GPs, Ganga GPs, Integrated Action Plan (IAP) districts, Border Out Posts (BOP) with piped water supply and Institutional set up for proper O&M of water supply assets etc. have been introduced.

National Testing Agency (NTA) to conduct entrance examinations for higher educational institutions

Cabinet approves Creation of National Testing Agency (NTA) to conduct entrance examinations for higher educational institutions

The Union Cabinet chaired by Prime Minister Shri Narendra Modi has approved creation of National Testing Agency (NTA) as a Society registered under the Indian Societies Registration Act, 1860, and as an autonomous and self-sustained premier testing organization to conduct entrance examinations for higher educational institutions.

Features:
· The NTA would initially conduct those entrance examinations which are currently being conducted by the CBSE.
· Other examinations will be taken up gradually after NTA is fully geared up.
· The entrance examinations will be conducted in online mode at least twice a year, thereby giving adequate opportunity to candidates to bring out their best.
· In order to serve the requirements of the rural students, it would locate the centres at sub-district/district level and as far as possible would undertake hands-on training to the students.

Constitution:
· NTA will be chaired by an eminent educationist appointed by MHRD.
· The CEO will be the Director General to be appointed by the Government.
· There will be a Board of Governors comprising members from user institutions.
· The Director General will be assisted by 9 verticals headed by academicians/ experts.

Finances:
NTA will be given a one-time grant of Rs.25 crore from the Government of India to start its operation in the first year. Thereafter, it will be financially self-sustainable.
Impact:
Establishment of NTA will benefit about 40 lakh students appearing in various entrance examinations. It will relieve CBSE, AICTE and other agencies from responsibility of conducting these entrance examinations, and also bring in high reliability, standardized difficulty level for assessing the aptitude, intelligence and problem solving abilities of the students.

Background:

In view of the need to have a specialized body in India like the most advanced countries, the Finance Minister in the Budget speech of 2017-18 had announced setting up of a National Testing Agency (NTA) as an autonomous and self-sustained premier testing organization to conduct all entrance examinations for higher educational institutions.

India needs a federal green agency

India needs a federal green agency
It should oversee interstate environmental challenges such as clean air
The thick smog that has enveloped north India over the past few days is a public health emergency. The callous response by various government agencies to what has become an annual affair is nothing short of scandalous. There is a deeper problem here. As every state blames the other, the weak policy response is also an indication of an institutional vacuum to deal with public goods issues in a federal political system.

The story so far is well known. Citizens living in the National Capital Region are among the millions who have been left gasping as farmers in neighbouring states burn stubble on their farms, before preparing them for the winter sowing cycle. The immediate responses include calls for a ban on such biomass burning. However, as Mridula Ramesh of the Sundaram Climate Institute has written in Firstpost, a far better alternative to a unilateral ban is to examine solutions based on an understanding of why farmers burn stubble in the first place. Any viable policy response should take into account the needs of the farmers as well as city dwellers.

A key principle of policy design is that the intervention should focus on the root of the problem—stubble burning, in this case. The distortion should be dealt with directly. In this case, is it possible to change the incentives for farmers who burn biomass?

The standard economic solution is to impose a Pigouvian tax on farmers to ensure the polluter pays for his actions. Such a tax would change incentives by increasing the cost of stubble burning. However, the Pigouvian solution is neither politically practical nor just. A far better way to deal with the effects of stubble burning comes from the work of Ronald Coase.

Coase argued, in a landmark paper published in 1960, that the solution to externalities such as pollution is not unilateral action but complex bargaining between different interest groups. The bargaining will be based on how much farmers value stubble burning on the one hand and how much city dwellers value clean air on the other.

One example of the use of the Coasean method is the landmark New York City Watershed Agreement of 1997. New York had been asked by government regulators to build an expensive water filtration plant to improve the quality of water it supplied citizens. To reduce costs, the city negotiated with upstream farmers who were polluting the watershed area to either buy out their land or pay them to change farming methods.

In the case of the smog in north India, it could mean that farmers should be paid to invest in better technologies to deal with the stubble left over from the previous harvest. A subsidy will change their incentives. Such a Coasean bargain is premised on two preconditions. First, property rights need to be assigned. Second, there needs to be a credible agency to manage the negotiation. India has neither right now.

The assignment of property rights in this case is devilishly difficult. The more practical solution is that the state governments of Delhi, Punjab and Haryana be considered the representative agencies for their respective citizens. They should negotiate on how the cost of changing farming practices will be shared. A first step will be to estimate the amount to be paid for every hectare of farmland that is shifted away from stubble burning.

The second problem is the lack of an institutional structure to deal with such federal negotiations, especially when the three state governments are run by three different political parties. This is where the Union government needs to step in as a coordinating agency. It can also offer to bear half the fiscal costs of any green bargain between the three states.

However, a better solution over the long term is to set up a federal agency like the Environmental Protection Agency in the US, with powers to get states to the bargaining table. The exact contours of such an agency will need to be debated by climate change scientists, economists, environmental activists and political parties. The current institutional vacuum needs to be filled.

There is also a broader lesson here. The ongoing fiscal decentralization is welcome, but India still needs an effective Union government to hold a complex country together. One challenge that needs central coordination is the provision of national public goods—be it national defence or monetary stability or environmental quality.

The winter smog that chokes millions of people every year needs to be dealt with through a long-term institutional strategy rather than hasty administrative responses each time citizens choke.

Does India need a new institutional architecture to deal with multi-state problems such as air pollution?