India’s nominee Dalveer Bhandari re-elected to ICJ

India’s nominee Dalveer Bhandari re-elected to ICJ

United Kingdom’s candidate Christopher Greenwood opts out from the race.

India’s nominee to the International Court of Justice (ICJ) Dalveer Bhandari was on Monday re-elected to the fifth and the last seat of the world court after Britain withdrew its candidate from the election.

Mr. Bhandari received 183-193 votes in the General Assembly and secured all the 15 votes in the Security Council after separate and simultaneous elections were held at the UN headquarters in New York.

The elections were held after United Kingdom, in a dramatic turn of events, withdrew out of the race for the Hague-based ICJ, thus paving the way for Mr. Bhandari’s re-election to the prestigious world court.

Mr. Bhandari and Britain’s Christopher Greenwood were locked in a neck-and-neck fight for re-election to the ICJ.

The permanent members of the Security Council — USA, Russia, France and China — were understood to have been throwing their weight behind Mr. Greenwood. The UK is the fifth permanent member of the Security Council.

In a dramatic turn of events, the British Permanent Representative to the UN, Matthew Rycroft, wrote identical letters to the presidents of the United Nations General Assembly and the Security Council, before the two chambers were scheduled to meet at 3 pm for the 12th round of voting.

Read out simultaneously by both the presidents of the General Assembly and the Security Council, Mr. Rycroft said that its candidate Judge Christopher Greenwood had decided to withdraw from the election to the 15-membered ICJ.

In the 11 rounds of voting, Mr. Bhandari had got nearly two-thirds of the votes in the General Assembly and in Security Council Greenwood consistently received nine votes as against five for his opponent. This resulted in a stalemate.

As per the letter read out simultaneously in the General Assembly and the Security Council, Rycroft said the current deadlock is unlikely to be broken by further rounds of voting.

As such he announced withdrawal from the race. With Mr. Bhandari being the only candidate left in the race, the General Assembly and Security Council still went through the formal motion of voting to complete the formalities.

Pleased to see ‘close friend’ win: UK

Congratulating Justice Bhandari, the UK said it will continue to cooperate closely with India at the United Nations and globally.

“The UK has concluded that it is wrong to continue to take up the valuable time of the Security Council and the UN General Assembly with further rounds of elections,” Mr. Rycroft said.

Britain, he said, congratulates the successful candidates, including Judge Bhandari of India.

“We are naturally disappointed, but it was a competitive field with six strong candidates,” Mr. Rycroft added.

“If the UK could not win in this run-off, then we are pleased that it is a close friend like India that has done so instead. We will continue to cooperate closely with India, here in the United Nations and globally,” he said.

Britain’s withdrawal from the election to the prestigious world court would mean that there will not be a British judge on the UN’s most powerful court for the first time in its history.

Western Ghats’s biodiversity faces threat of encroachment: UN body

Western Ghats’s biodiversity faces threat of encroachment: UN body
Biodiversity in the Western Ghats is facing a threat from deforestation, encroachment and conversion, says International Union for Conservation of Nature at the UN climate change conference in Bonn
Biodiversity in India’s iconic Western Ghats is facing a threat from forest loss, encroachment and conversion, said a global environment agency in its report.

It also put the hills in the “significant concern” category in its new outlook in the conservation prospects of natural World Heritage sites. The report, released recently by the International Union for Conservation of Nature (IUCN) at the UN climate change conference in Bonn, Germany, says pressure from the human population in the Western Ghats region is greater than that faced by many protected areas around the world.

The new report, “IUCN World Heritage Outlook 2”, which assesses for the first time changes in conservation prospects of all 241 natural World Heritage sites, warns that climate change will probably exacerbate a system already under pressure and has the potential to impact the large-scale monsoonal processes which the Western Ghats influence. Moderating the region’s tropical climate,the site presents one of the best examples of the monsoon system on the planet.

A network of 39 separately managed sites in the Western Ghats was inscribed as a World Heritage site by Unesco in 2012. It says ongoing pressure for development would continue to place the Western Ghats under high threat. Traditionally conserved by small populations of indigenous people leading sustainable lifestyles, the area is under increasing population and developmental pressure, requiring intensive and targeted management efforts to ensure that not only are existing values conserved, but that some past damage may be remediated, it says.

The report said pressure from human populations in this region should not be underestimated. 50 million people are estimated to live in the Western Ghats, “resulting in pressures which are orders of magnitude greater than many protected areas around the world”. Evidence suggests that forest loss, encroachment and conversion continue to affect the property, it said. It, however, acknowledges the initiatives taken by the government to protect the biodiversity of Ghats.

“The challenges are many, but the will by both government and non-governmental groups to ensure the conservation of the Western Ghats is high,” it says. However, until more data is accumulated (on conservation trends and protection and management aspects), and given the number and level of threats that this property faces, its conservation outlook is still assessed as of significant concern, says the report.

Older than the Himalayan mountains, the Western Ghats, spread over Gujarat, Maharashtra, Goa, Karnataka, Tamil Nadu and Kerala, represents geomorphic features of immense importance with unique biophysical and ecological processes. The report says each of the 39 component parts of the property has its own management system and protective measures that vary throughout this complex serial site that stretches over a distance of some 1,600km from north to south.

“There is a priority need to articulate a clear overarching management framework that harmonizes policy and management practise across the various clusters and states. Functional corridors that assure wildlife movement and ecological connectivity between the clusters of component protected areas are also required,” it says.

The global World Heritage Outlook in 2017 remains similar to 2014, with a positive conservation outlook (“good” or “good with some concerns”) for 64% of sites, “significant concern” for 29% and “critical” status for 7%.

These results are for the 241 natural World Heritage sites listed as of November 2017,including new sites which have been inscribed on the World Heritage List since the previous report.

What is the Constitution (One Hundred and Twenty-Third Amendment) Bill, 2017?

What is the Constitution (One Hundred and Twenty-Third Amendment) Bill, 2017?
What is the new amendment about?
The government seeks to repeal the National Commission for Backward Classes Act, 1993, and has introduced The Constitution (One Hundred and Twenty-Third Amendment) Bill, 2017, to accord constitutional status to the National Commission for Backward Classes. The Bill, passed by Lok Sabha last week, will insert Article 338B into the Constitution after Articles 338 and 338A which deal with the National Commissions for Scheduled Castes (SC) and Scheduled Tribes (ST) respectively. The proposed Article 338B states: “There shall be a Commission for the socially and educationally backward classes to be known as the National Commission for Backward Classes.” The government had earlier proposed that a National Commission for Socially and Educationally Backward Classes should replace the NCBC; however, after objections by OBC leaders, it decided against a change of nomenclature.
How does making the NCBC a constitutional body help?
Under the NCBC Act, the Commission merely has the power to recommend inclusion or exclusion of communities in the OBC list. The new Bill, once passed by Parliament, will allow it to look into all matters regarding the welfare and development of backward classes, as well as to investigate complaints. Currently, the Scheduled Castes Commission, which looks into cases of atrocities against Dalits, is also in charge of hearing grievances from OBCs — which mostly pertain to the non-implementation of reservations in jobs and educational institutes. The amended Bill will give the Commission powers equivalent to that of a civil court. It will be able to summon any person, ask for a document or public record, and receive evidence on affidavits. Union and state governments will have to consult the Commission on all significant policy matters affecting the socially and educationally backward classes. The Commission, which will have a chairperson, vice-chairperson and 3 members, will regulate its own proceedings.
So why has the Bill become contentious?
The Bill makes Parliament the final authority on inclusion of communities in the OBC list and, therefore, takes away the authority of states which can now send requests to the NCBC — which, however, may or may not forward them to the union government. Until now, the NCBC’s recommendations with regard to inclusions and exclusions in the list are binding on the government. Lok Sabha passed the Bill on April 10. However, when it was placed before Rajya Sabha, several members said such an important constitutional amendment could not be approved without proper study. As per the demand of the Upper House, the Bill was referred to a Select Committee. The 25-member Committee, headed by BJP member Bhupender Yadav, will submit its report during the Monsoon Session. However, this also means that there would be no NCBC in place unless the Bill is passed, as the term of the last member of the NCBC ended on February 13 and no appointments have been made since then in anticipation of the new Bill.
Will the new NCBC allow the inclusion of Jats, Marathas, Patels, etc. who have been demanding OBC status?
The demands have intensified especially after 2010, when OBC reservation was introduced in educational institutions. In 2014, in the wake of an agitation by Jats in Haryana, Delhi and UP, the union government went against the NCBC decision and included the community for 9 states in the Central List of OBCs — but the Centre’s decision was quashed by the Supreme Court. Once Parliament gets the final authority to make changes to the OBC list, it is unlikely the NCBC would be able to take any call on the matter on its own.
A BRIEF HISTORY OF OBC RESERVATIONS
The Kalelkar Commission, set up in 1953, was the first to identify backward classes other than the Scheduled Castes and Scheduled Tribes at the national level. Its conclusion that caste is an important measure of backwardness was rejected on the ground that it had failed to apply more objective criteria such as income and literacy to determine backwardness.
The Mandal Commission report of 1980 estimated the OBC population at 52% and classified 1,257 communities as backward. It recommended increasing the existing quotas, which were only for SC/ST, from 22.5% to 49.5% to include the OBCs. A decade later, its recommendations were implemented in government jobs, a move that sparked major agitations.
To assuage the anti-reservation protesters, the P V Narasimha Rao government in 1991 introduced a 10% quota for the “economically backward sections” among the forward castes. The Supreme Court struck this down in the Indra Sawhney vs Union of India case, where it held that the Constitution recognised only social and educational — and not economic — backwardness.
The apex court, however, held reservation for OBCs as valid and directed that the creamy layer of OBC (those earning over a specified income) should not avail reservation facilities. The overall reservation for SCs, STs and OBCs was capped at 50%. Based on the order, the central government reserved 27% of seats in union civil posts and services, to be filled through direct recruitment, for OBCs. The quotas were subsequently enforced in central government educational institutions.

What is the new amendment about?
The government seeks to repeal the National Commission for Backward Classes Act, 1993, and has introduced The Constitution (One Hundred and Twenty-Third Amendment) Bill, 2017, to accord constitutional status to the National Commission for Backward Classes. The Bill, passed by Lok Sabha last week, will insert Article 338B into the Constitution after Articles 338 and 338A which deal with the National Commissions for Scheduled Castes (SC) and Scheduled Tribes (ST) respectively. The proposed Article 338B states: “There shall be a Commission for the socially and educationally backward classes to be known as the National Commission for Backward Classes.” The government had earlier proposed that a National Commission for Socially and Educationally Backward Classes should replace the NCBC; however, after objections by OBC leaders, it decided against a change of nomenclature.
How does making the NCBC a constitutional body help?
Under the NCBC Act, the Commission merely has the power to recommend inclusion or exclusion of communities in the OBC list. The new Bill, once passed by Parliament, will allow it to look into all matters regarding the welfare and development of backward classes, as well as to investigate complaints. Currently, the Scheduled Castes Commission, which looks into cases of atrocities against Dalits, is also in charge of hearing grievances from OBCs — which mostly pertain to the non-implementation of reservations in jobs and educational institutes. The amended Bill will give the Commission powers equivalent to that of a civil court. It will be able to summon any person, ask for a document or public record, and receive evidence on affidavits. Union and state governments will have to consult the Commission on all significant policy matters affecting the socially and educationally backward classes. The Commission, which will have a chairperson, vice-chairperson and 3 members, will regulate its own proceedings.
So why has the Bill become contentious?
The Bill makes Parliament the final authority on inclusion of communities in the OBC list and, therefore, takes away the authority of states which can now send requests to the NCBC — which, however, may or may not forward them to the union government. Until now, the NCBC’s recommendations with regard to inclusions and exclusions in the list are binding on the government. Lok Sabha passed the Bill on April 10. However, when it was placed before Rajya Sabha, several members said such an important constitutional amendment could not be approved without proper study. As per the demand of the Upper House, the Bill was referred to a Select Committee. The 25-member Committee, headed by BJP member Bhupender Yadav, will submit its report during the Monsoon Session. However, this also means that there would be no NCBC in place unless the Bill is passed, as the term of the last member of the NCBC ended on February 13 and no appointments have been made since then in anticipation of the new Bill.
Will the new NCBC allow the inclusion of Jats, Marathas, Patels, etc. who have been demanding OBC status?
The demands have intensified especially after 2010, when OBC reservation was introduced in educational institutions. In 2014, in the wake of an agitation by Jats in Haryana, Delhi and UP, the union government went against the NCBC decision and included the community for 9 states in the Central List of OBCs — but the Centre’s decision was quashed by the Supreme Court. Once Parliament gets the final authority to make changes to the OBC list, it is unlikely the NCBC would be able to take any call on the matter on its own.
A BRIEF HISTORY OF OBC RESERVATIONS
The Kalelkar Commission, set up in 1953, was the first to identify backward classes other than the Scheduled Castes and Scheduled Tribes at the national level. Its conclusion that caste is an important measure of backwardness was rejected on the ground that it had failed to apply more objective criteria such as income and literacy to determine backwardness.
The Mandal Commission report of 1980 estimated the OBC population at 52% and classified 1,257 communities as backward. It recommended increasing the existing quotas, which were only for SC/ST, from 22.5% to 49.5% to include the OBCs. A decade later, its recommendations were implemented in government jobs, a move that sparked major agitations.
To assuage the anti-reservation protesters, the P V Narasimha Rao government in 1991 introduced a 10% quota for the “economically backward sections” among the forward castes. The Supreme Court struck this down in the Indra Sawhney vs Union of India case, where it held that the Constitution recognised only social and educational — and not economic — backwardness.
The apex court, however, held reservation for OBCs as valid and directed that the creamy layer of OBC (those earning over a specified income) should not avail reservation facilities. The overall reservation for SCs, STs and OBCs was capped at 50%. Based on the order, the central government reserved 27% of seats in union civil posts and services, to be filled through direct recruitment, for OBCs. The quotas were subsequently enforced in central government educational institutions.

It’s the real economy

It’s the real economy
Corrective steps are needed to recover momentum in industrial growth

Feel-good news about the economy, the rating upgrade from Moody’s and, prior to that, the jump in India’s position in the World Bank’s Ease of Doing Business index, has dominated the headlines. The improvements reflect the increased attractiveness of India to investors and deserve applause. Although it seems out of sync with the reality on the ground, the international recognition doesn’t hurt.

As seen from abroad

The ratings by Moody’s are based on its assessment of the trajectory of governments’ abilities to service their debt over time. The higher rating for India signals a lower risk grade for the government’s debt and can lower the cost of raising it. Other borrowings benchmarked to the government’s also stand to benefit. The significance of the upgrade is also in its timing. In 2015, Moody’s had changed the outlook for India from ‘stable’ to ‘positive’, while keeping the rating unchanged. That outlook would have been difficult to defend at the upcoming review a few weeks down the line, had the rating upgrade not materialised. India could have been pushed back into the ‘stable’ outlook grade.

The likelihood of revisions by other rating agencies such as Standard & Poor’s has increased, but those upgrades will not be automatic. To bag them, the National Democratic Alliance (NDA) government will have to preserve its fiscal rectitude and encourage States to shun populism and adventurism.

Not so optimistic

As far as the growth on the ground is concerned, the performance of the economy in the first half of the current financial year will be known next week. The release of growth estimates for the second quarter, ending September 30, is due at the end of this month. Exports data and the quick estimates, the Index of Industrial Production (IIP), for April through September are out. The bellwether indicator for non-agricultural production, investment and consumption in the economy does not present a pretty picture.

News on the industrial output is bad. The growth rate weakened to 2.5%; it was 5.8% a year ago. On the manufacturing front, the news gets worse. The growth rate was 1.9%, pale when compared to 6.1% a year ago. It’s the same story with infrastructure and construction: the growth rate, 2%, is feeble compared to 4.9% in the first half of last year.

Consumer and investor sentiments haven’t got any better. Capital goods and consumer durables output was lower in the first half of the year than that in the same period last year, as production contracted. The only source of comfort have been consumer non-durables, the output of which grew to 7.4%, although at a slower pace than the 10-plus% growth a year ago.

So, the IIP indicates that the industrial sector is on extremely shaky ground. Festive and post-harvest season spending was expected to boost demand, but September remained a weak month. The hope now is that October, data for which are not out yet, will turn out to be better. The investment climate remains soured. The conditions do not seem conducive for job creation.

The industrial performance this year so far is so tepid that it is weaker than it had been in 2012-13, the worst year growth-wise under the United Progressive Alliance (UPA) government. The GDP had grown at its slowest pace, 5.5%, that year in its 10-year tenure. The annual IIP growth had been 3.3%. It was 2.5% in the first six months of this year. Growth in every single major segment of the IIP — manufacturing, capital goods, consumer durables and infrastructure and construction — this year so far is weaker than it was in 2012-13. If corrective steps are not taken, at the current rate of loss in industrial growth momentum, this year may turn out to be worse than the UPA government’s policy paralysis phase.

The IIP’s coverage by design is limited to the organised sector. The disruption in the unorganised sector will be measured separately and become known only later. Just how much of a drag the industrial sector was on the economy’s overall growth remains to be seen. Other segments of the economy, agriculture and services particularly, are expected to outpace it.

On the export front

Exports had been showing encouraging signs of recovery, with double-digit growth. August and September were good months. But October notched up a small decline, so more data points are needed before it can be concluded that a sustainable recovery is under way. The decline is sharper in the employment-intensive sectors of leather, gems, jewellery, handicrafts, readymade apparel and carpets.

Exporters blame the break in the trend on a liquidity crunch owing to the infirmities in the goods and services tax (GST) system. They complain that their refund claims were not released for four months. Smaller firms with limited access to working capital have taken a body blow.

The growth crisis is of the NDA government’s own making. If demonetisation led to demand destruction, the GST rollout has had disastrous effects on the supply side. The twin shocks have compounded the problems of industry, big and small, that was already struggling with a slowdown. It’s time the real economy starts dominating the government’s agenda.

Manipur Sangai Festival,

Manipur Sangai Festival,
#upscpre2018
which is the biggest festival of the state. Celebrated for 10 days every November since 2010, this is the perfect showcase for the cultural diversity and richness of Manipur, comprising its various communities and beautiful social fabric. The food and culture, adventure sports and crafts, handlooms and universally-admired dance forms of Manipur cannot find a more appropriate setting.

Manipur is the capital of Indian sport. 
#The traditional sport of #Sagol Kangjei was the inspiration for modern polo. And here in Imphal is the oldest polo ground in the world.
# Huyen Langlon is a martial art that I believe deserves much greater international exposure.
As does #Yubi Lakpi, played with a greased coconut instead of a rugby ball. I have only mentioned a few of the many remarkable indigenous sports of Manipur. These are treasures that must be shared with the rest of the country and rest of the world.
Named after Manipur’s state animal, the brow-antlered Sangai deer, the Sangai Festival 2017 got underway on November 21 with the President of India Ram Nath Kovind set to inaugurate the 10-day long tourism extravaganza. Dubbed as the grandest festival of Manipur, the Sangai Festival showcases the tourism potential of the state in the field of arts & culture, handloom, handicrafts, indigenous sports, cuisine, music and adventure sports etc.

Land–use classification in India

Land–use classification in India
Forest: Includes all lands classed as forests under any legal enactment dealing with forests or administered as forests.
Area under Non-agricultural Uses: Includes all lands occupied by buildings, roads and railways or under water, e.g. river, and canals and other lands used for non-agriculture purpose.
Barren and un-cultivable land: Includes all barren and un-cultivable land like mountains, desert etc.
Permanent pastures and other grazing lands: Includes all grazing lands where they are permanent pastures and meadows or not. Village common grazing land is included under this head.
Land under miscellaneous tree crops and groves etc: This includes all cultivable land, which is not included in ‘Net Area Sown’ but is put to some agricultural uses. Lands under Casuarina trees, thatching grasses, bamboo bushes, and other groves for fuel, etc which are not included under ‘Orchards’ are classified under this category.
Culturable Wasteland: This includes lands available for cultivation. Such lands may be either fallow or covered with shrubs or jungles, which are not put to any use. Land once cultivated but not cultivated for five years in succession should be include in this category at the end of the five years.
Fallow lands other than current fallows: This includes all lands, which were taken up for cultivation but are temporarily out of cultivation for a period of not less than one year and not more than five years.
Current Fallows: This represents cropped area, which are kept fallow during the current year. For example, if any seeding area is not cropped in the same year again, it may be treated as current fallows.
Net Area Sown: This represents the total area sown with crops and orchards. Area sown more than once in the same year is counted only once.
Agriculture land/Cultivable land/Culturable land = 5+6+7+8+9
Cultivated Land= 8+9
Reporting area of land utilization= 1 to 9

forest cover in uttarakhand and other information in one slide

forest cover in uttarakhand and other information in one slide