16 October 2015

Supreme Court strikes down NJAC; collegium system to stay

Supreme Court strikes down NJAC; collegium system to stay

The five-judge bench, however, says that it would seek the assistance of lawyers to improve the collegium system; this will be heard on 3 November

In a huge blow to the government’s plan to overhaul the judicial appointment process, the Supreme Court on Friday struck down the constitutional amendment which introduced a six-member panel for selecting judges to the higher judiciary, declaring it unconstitutional. It also struck down the law which laid down the modalities for the panel, referred to as the National Judicial Appointments Commission (NJAC).
With this, the two-decade-old system of a small group or collegium of judges appointing judges to the apex court and high courts stands restored.
A five-judge bench comprising Justices J.S. Khehar, J. Chelameswar, Madan B. Lokur, Kurian Joseph and A. K. Goel, however, said that it would seek the assistance of lawyers to improve the collegium system. This will be heard on 3 November.
Four judges ruled in the majority, while justice Chelameswar was of the opinion that the two laws were constitutional.
The court also rejected a plea for referring the case to a larger bench to reconsider a 1993 nine-judge bench decision which introduced the collegium system and established the primacy of the judiciary in the appointment of judges.
The NJAC Act proposed that the six-member panel would comprise chief justice of India, two senior most apex court judges, the law minister and two eminent persons. These two eminent persons would have been chosen through a selection committee of the CJI, the prime minister and the leader of the opposition.
The 99th Constitution Amendment Act 2014 and the NJAC Act were first introduced in Parliament last year in August. Both houses swiftly passed the two bills.
President Pranab Mukherjee gave his assent to the two bills on 31 December after the government received ratification from as many as 16 states. That number had risen to at least 20, attorney general Mukul Rohatgi had told the court. The government notified the two laws on 13 April, amid the litigation which finally reached a five-judge constitution bench.
In hearings which saw the who’s who of the legal fraternity, the issue of the primacy of the judiciary in appointments was a consistent contention.
The government’s argument was that NJAC included all the stakeholders, and still allowed three members of the judiciary to have a say in appointments.
However, the numerous petitioners, including the Supreme Court Advocates-on-Record Association, Bar Association of India, and several senior lawyers, like Rajeev Dhavan and Ram Jethmalani, opposed the inclusion of the executive in the appointment of judges.

Text of PM’s address at the birth anniversary celebrations of Dr. APJ Abdul Kalam at DRDO Bhawan

Text of PM’s address at the birth anniversary celebrations of Dr. APJ Abdul Kalam at DRDO Bhawan


आज 15 अक्‍तूबर, श्रीमान अब्‍दुल कलाम जी की जन्‍म जयंती पर आप सब इकट्ठे हुए है। आज DRDO के परिसर में उनकी एक प्रतिमा का अनावरण करने का मुझे सौभाग्‍य मिला। यह बात सही है कि कलाम साहब का जीवन इतना व्‍यापक, विशाल और गहरा रहा है कि उनको याद करने का गर्व होता है, लेकिन साथ में एक कसक भी रहती है कि काश! वो हमारे साथ होते तो। तो ये जो कमी महसूस होती है, इसको कैसे भरना है, ये हम सब के लिए एक चुनौती है और मुझे विश्‍वास है कि अब्‍दुल कलाम जी के आशीर्वाद से उन्‍होंने हम देशवासियों को जो शिक्षा-दीक्षा दी है, उससे हम अवश्‍य उसको पूरा करने का भरपूर प्रयास करेंगे और वही उनको सबसे बड़ी अंजलि होगी।

वे राष्‍ट्रपति बने, मैं समझता हूं कि उससे पहले वे राष्‍ट्र रत्‍न थे। ऐसा बहुत कम होता है कि एक व्‍यक्‍ति पहले राष्‍ट्र रत्‍न बने और बाद में राष्‍ट्रपति पद को स्‍वीकार करे और वह उनके जीवन की ऊंचाइयों से जुड़ा हुआ था। भारत सरकार ने तय किया है कि जहां पर उनका जन्‍म हुआ और जहां पर उनकी अंत्‍येष्‍टि हुई, उस गांव में एक आने वाली पीढ़ियों को प्रेरणा दे, ऐसा स्‍मारक बनाया जाएगा। सरकार ने already वो जमीन acquire कर ली है। मैंने मंत्रियों की एक कमेटी भी बनाई है जो आने वाले दिनों में इसका आखिरी रूप तय करके, ऐसा कैसा स्‍मारक हो जो आने वाली पीढ़ियों को प्रेरणा देता रहे और कलाम साहब का जीवन हमेशा-हमेशा हम सबके लिए मार्गदर्शक बनता रहे।

दो बातें जो कलाम साहब की स्‍वाभाविक नजर आती हैं – एक तो उनके बाल। दूर से भी किसी को पता चलता है कि अब्‍दुल कलाम जी जा रहे हैं। और कुछ न बनाया हो, सिर्फ उनके बालों को किसी ने पेंट किया तो कह देगा कि हां, बाकी चेहरा कलाम साहब का होगा। लेकिन साथ-साथ एक और भी बात थी। जैसे उनके बाल थे, वैसा उनके भीतर एक बालक था। तो उनके बाल और उनके भीतर का बालक, ये दोनों, मैं समझता हूं हमेशा-हमेशा जो उनके निकट गए हैं उनको याद रहता है। इतनी सहजता, इतनी सरलता।

आमतौर पर वैज्ञानिकों के विषय में एक सोच ऐसी रहती है कि वो बड़े गंभीर चेहरा, उदासीन, Lab में ही डूबे रहने वाले, साल में कितनी बार मुस्‍कुराए वो भी शायद हिसाब लगाना पड़े। लेकिन कलाम साहब, हर पल एक बड़े जीवंत व्‍यक्‍तिव नज़र आता था। मुस्‍कुराते रहना, दौड़ते रहना और। दो प्रकार के लोग होते हैं, एक वो होते हैं जो Opportunity खोजते हैं, एक वो होते हैं जो Challenge खोजते हैं। कलाम साहब Challenges की तलाश में रहते थे। कौन-से नए Challenge है? उस Challenge को कैसे उठा ले और उस Challenge को पार कैसे करे और यही उनके हर पल जीवन में रहता था। आखिर तक!

जब भी मेरा बहुत निकट संबंध रहा क्‍योंकि जब मैं मुख्‍यमंत्री था तब भी उनका गुजरात बार-बार आना होता था। अहमदाबाद से उनका विशेष लगाव था क्‍योंकि उनके career की पहली शुरूआत उन्‍होंने अहमदाबाद में शुरू की थी और विक्रम साराभाई के साथ उन्‍होंने काम किया। तो उसके कारण उनका लगाव भी गुजरात के साथ बहुत था। तो मेरा भी उस समय उनसे संबंध बहुत रहता था। कच्‍छ का भूकंप हो या आपत्‍ति की इतनी बड़ी घटना हो, वो आना, छोटी-छोटी चीजों में guide करना और उस समय भूकंप की परिस्‍थिति के पुनरनिर्माण के काम में विज्ञान और technology का सहारा कैसे लिया जाए ताकि relief तेज गति से हो, rehabilitation तेज गति से हो, reconstruction तेज गति से हो, ऐसी हर बारीक चीज में वो मार्गदर्शन करते थे वो सहायता करते थे।

जीवन भर उनकी एक विशेषता रही है और किसी ने उनको पूछा था कि आपको कैसे याद रखा जाए और उन्‍होंने जवाब में कहा था कि मुझे शिक्षक के रूप में याद रखा जाए। ये शिक्षक का तो सम्‍मान है लेकिन साथ-साथ उनके जीवन का conviction क्‍या था, commitment क्‍या था, उसका भी परिचायक था। उनको लगता है कि भई 5-50 व्‍यक्‍तियों का समूह जरूर कुछ कर दिखा सकता है। लेकिन भारत जैसे देश ने पीढ़ियों तक आगे बढ़ने के लिए, प्रभाव पैदा करने के लिए तेज गति से चलना है तो आने वाली पीढ़ियों को तैयार करना होगा और वो एक टीचर तैयार कर सकता है और ये उनके सिर्फ शब्‍द नहीं थे, उनके पूरे जीवन में ही नजर आता है।

राष्‍ट्रपति पद से मुक्‍ति के दूसरे दिन... ये छोटी बात नहीं है। इतने बड़े पद पर रहने के बाद कल क्‍या करूं, कल कैसा जाएगा, कल से कैसा होगा? आप सब को मालूम है जब अफसर retired होता है तो क्‍या हो जाता है। यानी आज कहां खड़ा है और दूसरे दिन वो अपने आपको कहां महसूस करता है, वो अपने आपको एक खालीपन महसूस करता है। एकदम से वो लगता है बस, अब जीवन का अंत शुरू हो गया है, ऐसा ही मान लेता है। दिमाग में retirement भर जाता है। कलाम साहब की विशेषता देखिए कि राष्‍ट्रपति पद, इतनी बड़ी ऊंचाई और निवृत्‍ति भी आदर्श और गौरव के साथ। दूसरे ही दिन जहाज पकड़ के चैन्‍नई जाना, चैन्‍नई में क्‍लासरूम में पढ़ाना शुरू करना। ये भीतर के commitment के बिना संभव नहीं होता है। एक व्‍यक्‍ति ने अपने जीवन में उसको inherent कर दिया होता है, तब होता है और जीवन का अंत भी देखिए। कहां रामेश्‍वरम्, कहां दिल्‍ली, कहां दुनिया में जय-जयकार और कहां नॉर्थ ईस्‍ट। किसी को कहा जाए कि नॉर्थ ईस्‍ट जाओ तो कहे अरे साहब, किसी और का भेज दो। ऐसा करो अगली बार मैं जाऊंगा इस बार जरा कोई और को। वहां पर इस उम्र में जाना और student के साथ अपने आखिरी पल बिताना। ये उनके भीतर का एक जो एक सातत्‍य था, एक commitment था, उसको प्रतिबिंबित करता है।

भारत शक्‍तिशाली हो, लेकिन सिर्फ शस्‍त्रों से शक्‍तिशाली हो ये कलाम साहब की सोच नहीं थी। शस्‍त्रों का सामर्थ्‍य आवश्‍यक है और उसमें कोई कोताही नहीं बरतनी चाहिए और उसमें उन्‍होंने जितना योगदान दे सकते थे, दिया। लेकिन वो इसे मानकर के चलते थे कि देश सरहदों से नहीं, देश कोटि-कोटि लोगों से पहचाना जाता है। देश की पहचान सीमाओं के आधार पर तय नहीं होती है। देश की ताकत उसके जन कैसे सामर्थ्‍यवान है, उस पर होती है और इसलिए कलाम साहब उन दोनों धाराओं को साथ लेकर के चलते थे कि एक तरफ innovation हो, research हो, रक्षा के क्षेत्र में भारत अपने पैरों पर खड़ा हो और Third World Countries, गरीब देशों का भी उपकारक हो, उस दिशा में भारत अपनी जगह बनाए और दूसरी तरफ भारत का मानव समुदाय संपन्‍न हो।

वे शिक्षा के बड़े आग्रही थे। वे हमेशा कहते थे, योग का महत्‍व समझाते थे और उसके साथ वो commitment भी था उनका। religion को spiritualism में convert करना चाहिए। spiritualism को प्राधान्‍य देना चाहिए। ये उनका conviction था। यानी, एक प्रकार से समाज जीवन में किन मूल्‍यों की आवश्‍यकता है, उन मूल्‍यों पर वो बल देते थे। शायद ये बड़ी हिम्‍मत का काम है, लेकिन वो करते थे। किसी भी समारोह में जाते थे और वहां student मिल गए तो फिर वो खिलते थे। उनका लगता था कि हां, एक ऐसे में बगीचे में आया हूं जहां ये फूल खिलने वाले हैं। उनको तुरंत feel होता था, एकदम से उनका natural connect होता था और ऐसे समारोह में वो बाद में संकल्‍प करवाते थे। एक-एक वाक्‍य बच्‍चों से बुलवाते थे। ये कठिन इसलिए है आज के जमाने में क्‍योंकि इस प्रकार की बात करो तो दूसरे दिन पता नहीं कितने-कितने विवाद खड़े हो जाते हो। लेकिन वे कभी इन चिंताओं में नहीं रहे। हर बार उस संकल्‍प को दोहराते रहे। क्‍या हम जब भी कलाम साहब को याद करेंगे, जहां भी कलाम साहब की चर्चा होगी, उन संकल्‍प के संबंध में, उसको लोगों में सार्वजनिक रूप से बार-बार कैसे लाए? उनका संकल्‍प था, जो हमें बताया जाता था, उसको चरितार्थ करना, ये हमारा दायित्‍व बनता है। उस दायित्‍व को पूरा करने के लिए हमारी नई पीढ़ी को हम कैसे तैयार करें? उस संकल्‍प को बार-बार दोहराते जाए कि ये परंपरा चलती रहे और चेतना जगाने का प्रयास निरंतर चलता रहे, उस दिशा में हम कैसे प्रयास करे।

आज विश्‍व में भारत अपना एक विशेष स्‍थान बनाता जा रहा है। दुनिया किसी जमाने में भारत को एक बड़े market के रूप में देखती थी। आज विश्‍व ने भारत को एक सहयात्री के रूप में देखना शुरू किया है। भारत की तरफ देखने का दुनिया का नजरिया बदला है। लेकिन आर्थिक संपन्‍नता ही या सिर्फ market ही हमें drive करेगा क्‍या?

आने वाले दिनों में हमारे पास innovation के लिए बहुत संभावनाएं हैं। Eight hundred million, Thirty Five से नीचे जनसंख्‍या जहां हो, 65 प्रतिशत जनसंख्‍या 35 से नीचे हो। आज IT के कारण दुनिया में हमने अपनी जगह बना दी उसका कारण innovation था। हम innovation को बल कैसे दें। हम कलाम साहब की हर जन्‍म जयंती पर DRDO में एक ऐसा seminar organize कर सकते हैं क्या? एक दिन, दो दिन, तीन दिन जो भी हो इसमें young scientist हो, innovation करने वाले लोग हो या जिनका scientific temper का spark जिसके अंदर हो, ऐसे बच्‍चे हो। कभी स्‍कूल के बच्‍चों का एक-आध दिन कार्यकाल हो, कभी innovation में लगे हुए 35 से नीचे young scientist. इनको बुला करके इन्‍हीं विषयों पर सेमीनार हमेशा-हमेशा, कलाम साहब को याद करना मतलब innovation को promote करना। यह हमें परंपरा बना सकती है। तो उनकी जन्‍म जयंती को बनाने में हम एक नई जिम्‍मेदारी की ओर भी समाज को लेते चले जाएंगे और वह उनके लिए सबसे बड़ा संतोष का विषय बन सकता है, ऐसा मुझे लगता है।

दुनिया में अब भारत को उस विषय पर सोचने की आवश्‍यकता है कि हम विश्‍व को क्‍या दे सकते हैं। हम क्‍या बन सकते हैं? क्‍या हो सकते हैं? या कोई हमारे लिए क्‍या कर सकता है? उससे थोड़ा ऊपर जा करके थोड़ा हट करके हमारी वो ऐसी कौन सी विरासत है, जो हम विश्‍व को दे सकते हैं। और जो विश्‍व सहज रूप से स्‍वीकार करेगा और जो विश्‍व के कल्‍याण के लिए काम आयेगा। हमने उन पहलुओं पर धीरे-धीरे अपने आप को तैयार करना चाहिए।

आज पूरा विश्‍व cyber crime को ले करके बड़ा परेशान है। क्‍या हमारे नौजवान वो innovation करे, जिसमें cyber security की गारंटी के लिए भारत की पहल हो। भारत एक ऐसी जगह हो जहां cyber security के लिए पूरी संभावनाएं है। जितनी सीमा सुरक्षा महत्‍व की बनी है, उतनी ही cyber की security महत्‍व पर बनी है। तभी भी विश्‍व बदलता चला जाता है, उसमें हम किस प्रकार से contribute कर सकते हैं? हमारी खोज, हमारे विज्ञान, हमारे संसाधन, common man की जिंदगी में बदलाव ला सकते हैं। quality of life में कोई change ला सकते हैं। भारत गरीब देश रहा है। हमारे यह सारे संसाधन, संशोधन यह सब कुछ गरीब की quality of life में बदलाव लाने के लिए हो सकता है। अब हमने 2022 तक हर गरीब को घर देने का सोचा है। अब उसमें हमें नई टेक्‍नोलॉजी, नई चीजें लानी पडेंगी। वो कौन से material से अच्‍छे मकान बन सकते हैं, वो नई खोज करनी पड़ेगी। वो कौन सी technique होगी कि जिसके कारण fastest मकान बना सकते हैं। वो कौन सी technique होगी जिससे हम low cost मकान बना सकते हैं। क्‍यों न हो? कलाम साहब चाहते थे देश के किसान का कल्‍याण करना है। देश के गरीब का कल्‍याण है, तो हमारी नदियों को जोड़ना। यह नदियों को जोड़ना सिर्फ परपरागत engineering work से होने वाला नहीं है। हमें innovation चाहिए, expertise चाहिए, space science की मदद चाहिए। इन सारी बातों को करके हम क्‍या लोगों की जिंदगी में बदलाव ला सकते हैं? यह हमारी रोजमर्रा की जिंदगी है, जिसमें हमें बदलाव लाना है।

आज भी दुनिया में प्रति हेक्‍टर जो crop है उसकी तुलना में हमारा बहुत कम है। आज दुनिया में प्रति cattle जितना milk मिलता है, उसकी तुलना में हमारा कम है। वो कौन से वैज्ञानिक तरीके हों, वो कौन सा वैज्ञानिक temper हो जो किसान के घर तक पहुंचे, पशुपालक के घर तक पहुंचे? ताकि उसकी जिंदगी में बदलाव आए। और इसलिए विज्ञान को हमने सामान्‍य मानव की जिंदगी में बदलाव लाने के लिए उस applicable science को कैसे लाया जाए? उस technology को कैसे हम innovate करें। यह ठीक है DRDO में जो लोग बैठे हैं उनका क्षेत्र अलग है। लेकिन उसके बावजूद भी, यह वो बिरादरी है, जिसका innovation, विज्ञान, खोज यह उसके सहज प्रकृति के हिस्‍से हैं। हम धीरे-धीरे उसको expand करते हुए, अब्‍दुल कलाम जी को याद करते हुए, हम देश को क्‍या दे सकते है? और यही ताकत दुनिया को देने की ताकत बन सक‍ती है।

और कभी-कभार हम पढ़ते है जब सुनते हैं कि भई, हमारे यहां किसान अन्‍न पैदा करता है, लेकिन काफी मात्रा में बर्बाद हो जाता है। क्‍या उपाय हो सकते हैं? हर प्रकार के उपाय हो सकते हैं। temporary भी क्‍यों न हो उसके रख-रखाव की व्‍यवस्‍था क्‍या हो सकती हैं? ऐसी बहुत सी चीजें हैं, जिसमें हमने हमारी परंपरा की पुरानी पद्धतियों में से प्रेरणा लेना, नई innovation करना और उसमें से नए equipment तैयार करना, व्‍यवस्‍थाएं खड़ी करना, जो विज्ञान के द्वारा समाज जीवन में परिवर्तन का एक कारण बन सकते हैं, सहारा बन सकते हैं।

विश्‍व जिस प्रकार से बदल रहा है, उसमें सामूहिक सुरक्षा एक बहुत बड़ा विषय बनता जा रहा है। Blue Economy की तरफ दुनिया बढ़ रही है। अब जब Blue Economy की तरफ बढ़ रही है, तब समुद्रिक जीवन में उसके साथ जुड़े हुए व्‍यापार से भी संबंध है, सामुद्रिक खोज एक बहुत बड़ा क्षेत्र अधूरा पड़ा है। संपदाओं का अपरंपार भंडार सामुद्रिक संपत्ति में पड़ा हुआ है। लेकिन at the same time मानव जात के सामने चुनौती है Blue Sky, Environment, Climate दुनिया में आज चिंता और चर्चा के विषय है। और इसलिए Blue Economy जो सामुद्रिक शक्ति की चिंता भी करें और Blue Sky बचा रहे हैं उसकी भी चिंता करे। उस प्रकार की technology का हमारा innovation कैसा है? हमारा manufacturing जब हम कहते हैं कि zero defect-zero effect. हम ग्‍लोबली जाना चाहते हैं कि हमारे innovation की स्थिति कैसे बने कि हमारे manufacture में कोई defect भी न हो और उसके कारण environment पर कोई effect भी न हो। जब हम इन चीजों को ले करके चलेंगे, मैं समझता हूं कि हमारे युवा वैज्ञानिकों के सामने चुनौतियां हैं। और देश के युवा वैज्ञानिक अब्‍दुल कलाम साहब ने जो हमें रास्‍ता दिखाया, अब्‍दुल कलाम साहब के जीवन की स्‍वयं की यात्रा तो सामान्‍य गरीब परिवार से निकले यहां तक पहुंचे, लेकिन वो जिस क्षेत्र में गए वहां भी वैसे ही हाल था। अभी हमने देखा रॉकेट का एक Part साइकिल पर ले जा रहे थे। यानी institute भी इतनी गरीब थी, इस गरीबी वाले institute से जुड़ करके इतनी बड़ी विशाल संस्‍था का निर्माण कर दिया। सिर्फ पूरा अपनी व्‍यक्ति का जीवन गरीब झोपड़ी से ले करके राष्‍ट्रपति भवन तक आए ऐसा नहीं, जहां गए वहां, जहां था उसको उत्‍तम और बड़ा बनाने का भरपूर सफल प्रयास किया। यह अपने आप में बहुत बड़ा योगदान है। और उस अर्थ में हम भी जहां हो वहां, नई ऊंचाईयों को पार करने वाली अवस्‍था कैसे पैदा कर सकते हैं। उसके लिए हम और योगदान क्‍या दे सकते हैं?

कलाम साहब का जीवन सदा-सर्वदा हमें प्रेरणा देता रहेगा। और हम सब अपने संकल्‍पों को पूरा करने के लिए जी जान से जुटेंगे। इसी एक अपेक्षा के साथ कलाम साहब को शत-शत वंदन करता हूं और उनका जीवन सदा-सर्वदा हमें प्रेरणा देता रहे इसी एक आशा-अपेक्षा के साथ बहुत-बहुत शुभकामनाएं। बहुत-बहुत धन्‍यवाद।

15 October 2015

Microsoft CEO Satya Nadella, his IAS father, Naxalism and “dead revolutionaries of Srikakulam”

EVERYONE knows who Satya Nadella is. No prize for guessing it. He is the CEO of Microsoft. But some of you may be unaware of a factoid -- Nadella is the son of an IAS officer named BN Yugandhar. Yugandhar, a 1962 batch IAS had trained and influenced many officers including former foreign secretary Nirupama Rao in Mussoorie academy. Later he became a member of Planning Commission of India, now called NITI Aayog. On Saturday night, as Prime Minister Narendra Modi attended the Digital India dinner at San Jose of Silicon Valley, Nadella referred to an incident of Naxalism that he…
as a child in 1970 (his father was a DM in Srikakulam in Andhra Pradesh) had witnessed. That incident, according to Nadella's own word still haunts him. He was just three-year-old then. He talked about the photographs of two “dead revolutionaries”, who had left teaching to join Naxalism. Nadella’s simple point was that if today’s technology and the opportunities associated with it, had been available during that point of time, those teachers in rural India would not have probably taken arms. Nadella did not however use the word “Naxal”, “Maoism” or “Left extremism” but he clearly meant so.
Here is what Nadella said in his address, as PM Modi was seen carefully listening to: “In my early childhood in a remote district of India, one afternoon, I saw two photographs that haunt me still. I saw pictures of two people who were laying overturned charpoys with two Philips transistor radios next to them. In subsequent years, I came to understand much more about these two people. What I saw that day were two photographs of dead revolutionaries. The year was 1970 and the district was Srikakulam. They were schoolteachers who decided to leave teaching. I think about their lives and lives of others who followed similar path. I think about those people who could have achieved with true empowerment of technology and other resources. All of these lead me to think about the future. What opportunities can be unlocked, what change can be sparked, what students can be inspired to reach new potential to help shape a better world. Since 1970, our technology, economy and society have progressed in tandem. In 2015, it’s clear to me that now is the time for us collectively to come together and empower people from all over the world…Srikakulam to East Palo Alto (a city in California) to make their hopes a reality”.
After his speech, one Anjali Mody tweeted, addressing former foreign secretary and ex-Indian ambassador to US Nirupama Rao: “@NMenonRao his father was DM in srikakulam & was one of v few who believed that there had to be a socio-econ solution & not a police-led one.”
Rao replied: “I am aware of that. His father was one of my instructors during my training period in Mussoorie”.
In fact, Nadella’s father-in-law KR Venugopal is also a 1962 batch IAS. Both Venugopal and Yugandhar were secretaries to former Prime Minister P V Narasimha Rao.
Significantly, Left extremism began in West Bengal’s Naxalbari in 1967 (the name Naxalite came from that). But it soon spread to various places in India including Srikakulam in Andhra Pradesh that Nadella was talking about. In Andhra Pradesh, there were instances of IAS officers being kidnapped by the Naxalites to get their cadres released from jail.

Indian Skill Development Service: A new Group A service is born; 10 things to know

ISDS - Indian Skill Development Service will be a new Group “A” service to be created by the Government of India mainly to provide the newly-created union ministry of skill development and entrepreneurship a dedicated technical cadre. The Union Cabinet on Wednesday gave its nod to the proposal of creating this Group “A” service. Significantly, the last Group “A” service (Central Labour Service) was created 28 years ago. Here are 10 things you may like to know about Indian Skill Development Service:

1. As the union cabinet has given its nod to create ISDS, it’s only a matter of time and technicality before this new cadre is born.
2. Ministry of Skill Development and Entrepreneurship, a new ministry created by the NDA government is likely to be the cadre controlling authority just like railway ministry for IRTS or IRPS, environment ministry for Indian Forest Service and ministry of home affairs for IPS.
3. Currently, the manpower for skill development work is being provided by the Directorate General of Employment and Training that comes under ministry of labour and employment. With the existence of ISDS, the migration of skill development work from the labour ministry to the ministry of skill development and entrepreneurship will be faster and smoother.
4. The changes in cadre restructuring, as approved by the Cabinet, include increase of one post at Senior Administrative Grade (SAG) level, increase of four posts at Junior Administrative Grade (JAG) level, increase of seven posts at STS level, and finally, reduction of 12 posts at the Junior time Scale (JTS) level.
5. The officers recruited to this new cadre will manage among others the national and state level programmes of vocational training and skill development. There is a nation-wide network of employment exchanges and Industrial Training Institutes (ITIs), and the new cadre of officers may play a role in revamping those and creating direct marketplace among workers and employers, as it has been done in United Kingdom.
6. The Cabinet also gave its nod for introduction of Non-Functional Selection Grade (NFSG) to the extent of 15 percent of SDPs at the STS level as applicable in Group ‘A’ Engineering Service. The NFSG is an intermediary scale between the pay scales corresponding to Junior Administrative Grade (JAG) and Senior Administrative Grade (SAG), and the duties and responsibilities attached to the posts are the same as those of the next lower grade, i.e. JAG.
7. Understandably, the ISDS officers will be recruited by the UPSC, but more clarity will emerge in the due course on whether the officer will be selected through the civil services examinations itself.
8. “It (the decision to create a new cadre) will attract the best talent to the skill development administration”, says Rajesh Agrawal, joint secretary in the ministry of skill development and entrepreneurship, as quoted by business newspaper Mint.
9. The new cadre, the first batch of which may be recruited through UPSC exam 2016, may play a key role in achieving the government’s target of skilling as many as 500 million (50 crore) people by the year, 2022.
10. As this will be a new Group “A” service being created after 28 years, there is a possibility that the government may look into the long pending demand of creating more dedicated cadres, say for the ministry of human resources development or the ministry of law.

HC quashed the appointment of Anil Kumar Yadav as the chairman of Uttar Pradesh Public Service Commission

The Allahabad high court on Wednesday quashed the appointment of Anil Kumar Yadav as the chairman of Uttar Pradesh Public Service Commission, holding it as “illegal” and rapped the Samajwadi Party government for having “breached its constitutional duty” by appointing him without carrying out a proper inquiry with regard to his “integrity and competence”.
While setting aside the appointment of Yadav as the UPPSC chairman, a division bench of the court comprising chief justice D.Y. Chandrachud and justice Yashwant Verma held that the same was “arbitrary”, “illegal”, “ultra vires of Article 316 of the Constitution” and effected “without application of mind, ignoring suitability and availability of other candidates”. Yadav, who took over in April 2013, was selected from among 83 candidates who had submitted their biodata before the state government for the post.
The order was passed while disposing of petitions filed by advocate Satish Kumar Singh and several others earlier this year. The petitioners had alleged that Yadav’s appointment was made ignoring facts like his being named in cases under Section 307 of the Indian Penal Code (attempt to murder) and the Goonda Act registered in his native district of Agra.
It was, however, submitted by Yadav that he has been acquitted in the cases while the high court made it clear that it was passing Wednesday’s order “without going into the merits of allegations of criminal antecedents of the respondent”.
Moreover, the petitioners had alleged that Yadav, who was posted as a lecturer at Chitragupta Degree College in Mainpuri district prior to his current assignment, had falsely claimed in his biodata that he was the principal. The court, while perusing materials placed on record, noted with displeasure that Yadav had concealed the fact that though he was promoted to the post of principal many years ago, his promotion was challenged in the high court and subsequently set aside and that the Special Leave Petition he filed in the Supreme Court was also turned down.
Moreover, the court pointed out a number of improprieties in the selection process, which included the fact that Yadav’s biodata was “sent to the state government through fax from an office of the Samajwadi Party”.

issues with nuclear power

As Britain, the U.S. and Russia debate the revamping of their nuclear deterrence systems, India needs open and democratic discussion on its arsenal and capability
Jeremy Corbyn, eternal rebel and newly elected leader of Britain’s Labour Party, declared recently on a radio news programme that there were no circumstances in which he could fire a nuclear weapon. Mr. Corbyn’s personal views are not new: he has campaigned all his political life against nuclear weapons. However, as Leader of the Opposition, and theoretically the man who would find himself in control of the ‘nuclear button’ if he became Prime Minister, his renunciation of the nuclear option has prompted considerable national engagement with the future and purpose of Britain’s nuclear deterrent. This discussion has found focus in the renewal of ‘Trident’, the basis for the U.K.’s current nuclear deterrence posture, but inevitably encompasses a wider discussion about Britain’s global role. However, while this is a domestic debate about Britain’s future, the larger discussion could resonate beyond Britain. And India could do worse than take note.

What is at stake is the continuous at-sea deterrence provided by the Trident system of four nuclear submarines and their accompanying missiles and warheads. Since 1969, at any given time, one submarine has been out at sea, one boat undergoing maintenance and the other two in port or on training manoeuvres. Now a decision on the future of this generation of submarines is due, as they will reach the end of their working life in the late 2020s. If Britain wishes to continue its reliance on nuclear deterrence, then new warheads will also need to be considered in the coming decade. The bill for all of this is in the region of £20 billion for the boats and another six billion for the warheads (Ministry of Defence figures).
The Trident’s future — to keep like-for-like, modify, or scrap altogether — has been discussed for the better part of this century. An independent cross-party inquiry into nuclear defence policy concluded in a July 2014 report that, on balance, despite there being no obvious current and emerging threats that might lend themselves to a nuclear solution, Britain needed to keep its deterrent.
The report did not move mountains. Then again, neither could the rival camp gain much traction. Opposition to Trident ranges from calls for the complete abolition of nuclear weapons globally and for Britain to fulfil its Article VI disarmament obligations under the Nuclear Nonproliferation Treaty (and Mr. Corbyn is a prominent proponent of this view) to those calling for a debate on whether Britain needs such an expensive, continuous deterrent with as many subs and missiles at a time of aggressive spending cuts to the conventional defence bill. These positions bookend a range of other views.
Buried in this security debate is some fairly fundamental soul-searching about Britain’s place in the world. What lies unsaid is the fear that this nuclear armoury may be all that is standing between Britain and relegation to a has-been global power. Those in favour of continuity also point to Britain’s NATO obligations and the effect that nuclear renunciation may have on the U.K.’s relationship with the U.S.
Indian experience
In these last two respects, India is at the other end of the spectrum. The exact importance of nuclear weapons in India’s rise is debatable, but few dispute that the country’s nukes play some role in its global ambitions. As for what sort of deterrence India needs, there is, of course, a discussion to be had on whether the threats India currently faces — terrorism, insurgency or difficult neighbours, to name a few, are best served by the current (not entirely clear) deterrent setup. And how, if at all, this might change in the future.
After all, India’s nuclear policy is not a subject of popular debate, nor indeed one on which the Leader of the Opposition might wish to stake a position. The British at least know what they are critiquing in examining whether a Cold War nuclear apparatus is still relevant. Half a century on, we Indians may not be in a similar position to knowledgeably engage with a middle-aged arsenal. India has now been a declared possessor of nuclear weapons for over 15 years. Yet, beyond assurances that our deterrence rests on the possession of a triad of nuclear assets and a doctrine of ‘no first use’, we know very little. Numbers of warheads, numbers of missiles, costs involved — all these factors are jealously guarded. This may be acceptable in a young, growing armoury (though that is debatable), but in the long run, such oblivion is unhelpful. At some point, however, some spring-cleaning is in order. Britain is not the only one looking at a hefty bill for the next generation of deterrent — the U.S. is embarking on a $348 billion, decade-long modernisation drive and one-third of Russia’s military budget is earmarked for nuclear modernisation.
Not for all time
Given the nuclear company we keep in our neighbourhood, and given the current international environment where the nuclear contours of relations between Russia and NATO appear to be acquiring a sharper edge, it is imperative that we get familiar with the limits of deterrence. Especially as most of India’s current threats will not admit to a nuclear solution. Until 1998, it was enough that deterrence rested ultimately on the vague threat of possible nuclear retaliation. After Pokharan II, the ‘possible’ and the ‘vague’ have gone; we are left now with assured ‘massive’ retaliatory destruction. If that is the case, then have we the right kit at our disposal? Too much, too little, just right? Will this continue to be the case decades down the line when this generation of delivery systems and warheads reach the end of their life?
Seventy years of non-use should not blind us to the nature of this ultimate guarantor. In Britain, this unpalatable fact is highlighted by knowledge of the final delegation of nuclear command. Democratic discussion on India’s nuclear deterrent will not threaten the country’s regional or global position, let alone its survival. It might even build consensus on what sort of country and strategic future we want. Let’s talk.

Deconstructing corruption in India

Deconstructing corruption in India
It is possible that, if streamlined and predictable, some forms of corruption may act like efficient taxes
What is the architecture of corruption in India? Has it increased or decreased since the opening up and liberalization of the Indian economy in the early 1990s?
Data on corruption and the black economy is hard to come by, is mostly invisible, and is hotly debated.
The popular notion is that corruption has increased, since larger sums are involved than in the past. A dispassionate analysis, however, needs to make five kinds of corrections to the little data available.
First, definitional. Corruption involves misuse of sovereign power for personal gain. A broad definition would include use of state assets, such as official cars, gadgets, stationery and premises for personal use, through conflating the distinction between what is private and what is public. This distinction is however relatively modern, and still to crystallize fully in developing societies.
A narrower definition centres on a conscious intent to misappropriate, and involves third-party transactions: accepting consideration, in cash or kind, for services ordinarily available from the State as a matter of right, or for their accelerated/preferential/wrongful access.
Second, while there is a close connection between the two, a heuristic distinction needs to be made between black money, which evades taxes imposed by the State, and gains from corruption, which is use of State power for personal enrichment.
Third, a distinction needs to be made between petty bureaucratic corruption, at the level of the humble traffic cop, patwari, tax official, and high corruption, involving a nexus between politicians and bureaucrats. This nexus is unequal, with most of the gains accruing to the former. Also, the latter’s participation may be active or passive.
Petty corruption has a direct, palpable and experiential impact on the life of the common citizen. High corruption has an indirect, but nevertheless equally powerful, impact through foregone growth, quality of life, inflation and a larger public debt burden. It is difficult to determine which form of corruption is more rampant.
Fourth, the data needs to be adjusted for inflation, as a large nominal increase need not mean an increase in real terms. Thus an illegal gratification of Rs.10 in 1990 may actually exceed a Rs.100 gratification today.
Fifth, corruption is a financial flow, distinct from the current stock of ill-gotten wealth, the lagged outcome of past corruption, and the returns thereon, minus what has been consumed. If the annual flow exceeds consumption, which is likely, the stock of corrupt wealth would grow over time. Some of this stock is indistinguishable from what we call black money. But a good portion falls outside the ambit of black money, comprising, for instance, gains from rapid appreciation of land value.
Estimating data largely invisible or non-existent is a daunting exercise. Only the very bold and optimistic venture to even try. Unsurprisingly, debates surrounding both black money and corruption are steeped in polemic, with large, unverifiable and contestable numbers flying around.
While numbers are hard to come by, and even harder to verify, it can nevertheless be assumed that incentives in the political and administrative systems have remained pretty much the same. What has changed quite dramatically since 1990 is the structure and trend growth of the Indian economy. Levels of financial flows, and along with them corruption and black money flows, have therefore risen. The economy is also much more open today. Incentives and drivers in the economic system have changed.
With the economy becoming much more tradable, the capacity of the tradable sector to absorb illicit demands has reduced with the imperative to remain globally competitive. The burden of corruption has consequently shifted from the tradable—from the so-called licence, quota permit Raj—to the non-tradable sectors, such as construction, utilities, and other infrastructure, including real estate.
Unsurprisingly, the execution of infrastructural projects has suffered as a result, leading to declining productivity and economic growth, and a weaker fisc as contracts are renegotiated and land-use patterns changed to the disadvantage of the State. Whereas in Western economies, the real estate bubble was inflated by easy monetary policy, financial deregulation and leverage, in India it stems from the compulsion to park large proceeds from corruption and black money. Since the same sources fund political activity, this bubble will be difficult to prick.
The correlation between corruption and economic growth—positive, inverse or idiosyncratic—is, however, by no means clear. In India it may hinder growth, but then, think China, with its putative combination of institutionalized corruption and high growth rates. It is ranked lower (100) than India (85) in Transparency International’s global Corruption Perceptions Index, but much higher (90) than India (145) in World Bank’s Ease of Doing Business Index. Howsoever morally repugnant, it is entirely possible that, if streamlined and predictable, some forms of corruption—speed money—may act like efficient taxes. Like Tolstoy’s unhappy families, corrupt societies are corrupt in their own way.
The Indian economy is now growing at a faster clip than what it was in the early 1990s, generating larger surpluses relative to what is required for subsistence. It is this surplus that comprises the fodder that feeds corruption in societies with flawed value systems and low self esteem. If, as argued, incentives in the political and administrative system is unchanged, it is likely that both the flows and stock of corruption proceeds may have increased in real terms since the early 1990s.

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