MMDR Ordinance will prove to be a milestone in the revolution for transparency

MMDR Ordinance will prove to be a milestone in the revolution for transparency –Shri Narendra Singh Tomar Minister meets states to prepare implementation roadmap

Shri Narendra Singh Tomar, Union Minister of Steel and Mines has  said that the MINES AND MINERALS (DEVELOPMENT AND REGULATION), (MMDR) Ordinance is a revolutionary step in revival of mining sector in the country, hitherto stagnated due to various reasons. Addressing a meeting of mines ministers and secretaries from across the country here today, the minister said that auction will bring in greater transparency and higher revenue for the states.  Simultaneously simplification and transferability will also attract private investment. He added that the classification of minerals will lead to their better scientific exploration and with more power to the states mining process will be expedite. The meeting was organised for preparing a roadmap for implementation of Ordinance was attended by the Minister of State for Mines and Steel, Shri Vishnu Deo Sai, mining ministers from 11 states, Secretary (Mines) Shri Anup K Pujari, Additional Secretary (Mines) Shri R Sridharan, and senior officials from the Ministry of Mines. Pressing upon the need for developing a sound database for minerals in India, Shri Tomar averred that detailed exploration is the first step in mining and to set realistic goals and make workable plans, it is imperative to know the true measure of our resource base. He stated that as per preliminary assessment, 199 cases of various states would be ready for auction with some effort. But such auctions would also depend on the finalisation of modalities for conducting auction and subordinate rules therein. The Minister pointed out other provisions of the Ordinance, such as, stricter penalties for illegal mining, establishment of National Minerals Exploration Trust (NMET) to give impetus to exploration, removal of prior approval of the centre to eliminate delays, and provision for District Mineral Foundation (DMF) to address the concerns of mining-affected people. Citing the example of falling levels of iron ore production in the country, Shri Tomar urged states to revive mining in all earnestness. Acknowledging the uniqueness of different minerals and different regions, Shri Tomar solicited opinions and suggestions of state representatives for firming up a holistic implementation plan to further strengthen the ‘Make in India’ vision of the government. Mining ministers and secretaries from different states expressed optimism over the amendments, and offered constructive suggestions for its implementation on the ground level. It was agreed that delays in environment and forest clearances had to be resolved by MoEF for providing unhindered support in growth of mining. Following are the key features of the Ordinance: ·           Removal of discretion; auction to be sole method of allotment: The amendment seeks to bring in utmost transparency by introducing auction mechanism for the grant of mineral concessions {Section 10 B &11}. The tenure of the mineral concession have been increased from the existing 30 years to 50 years {Section 8 A (1), (2), (3) and (4)}. ·           Impetus to the mining sector: The mining industry has been aggrieved due to the second and subsequent renewals remaining pending. In fact, this has led to closure of a large number of mines. The Ordinance also addresses this issue. Sub-Section 5 and 6 of Section 8(a) of the Ordinance provides that the Mining Leases would be deemed to be extended from the date of their last renewal to 31st March, 2030 (in the captive miners) and till 31st March, 2020 (for the merchant miners) or till the completion of the renewal already granted, if any, whichever is later. ·        Safeguarding interest of affected persons: There is provision to establish District Mineral Foundation (DMF) in the districts affected by mining related activities {Section 9 (B)}. ·        Encouraging exploration and investment: Further, the Ordinance proposes to setup a National Mineral Exploration Trust created out of contribution from the mining lease holders, to have a dedicated fund for encouraging exploration in the country {Section 9 (C)}. ·        Simplification of procedures and removal of delay: The amendment removes the need for “previous approval” from the Central Government for important minerals like iron ore, bauxite, mangese, etc., thereby making the process quicker and simpler. Similarly, under Section 5(2)(b), the State Governments to devise a system for filing of a mining plan obviating need for approval by the Central Government. The Ordinance also provides that the tenure of any Mining Lease would now be 50 years in place of 30 years in the existing Act. ·        Stronger provisions for checking illegal mining: In order to address the escalating problem of illegal mining, the penal provisions have been made further stringent- Higher penalties up to 5 lakh rupees and imprisonment up to 5 years.

PAN IIT - ONGC MoC in Hydrocarbons and Energy Signed

A Memorandum of Collaboration (MoC) was signed in New Delhi today in the presence of the Union Minister of Human Resource Development Smt Smriti Irani and the Minister of State for Petroleum and Natural Gas, Shri Dharmendra Pradhan. Responding to the Prime Minister Shri Narendra Modi’s ‘Make in India’ initiative, the IITs and the ONGC have agreed to work towards a collective R&D Programme for Developing Indigenous Technologies to enhance Exploration and Exploitation of Hydrocarbons and Alternate Sources of Energy. This is a long-term initiative for sustained research, development and capacity building aimed at a multi-pronged approach that will help foster research capability and transform experiential based learning in this core sector. The Programme will be funded by ONGC and shall take advantage of the available infrastructure and manpower of the IITs and ONGC. The Programme has identified seven initial thematic areas namely (i) Geological & Geophysical studies (ii) Reservoir characterization, modeling & simulation (iii) Oil & gas Production & Recovery Enhancement (iv) Software Development (v) Unconventional Energy Resources (vi) Engineering solutions/tools & technology development (vii) Alternate Energy researches. Sub-topics have also been identified in each of these areas. The Minister of Human Resource Development, Smt Smriti Irani, while congratulating ONGC and IITs for deciding to join hands to bring major push for ‘Make in India’ campaign in energy sector said, that such initiatives further demonstrate India’s collective determination to realize full potential of our inherent strengths for making the country a true global leader. The Ministry of Human Resource Development will promote similar industry – academia linkages on a large scale and will also facilitate engagement of Adjunct Faculty. Terming the new initiative as quite exciting for the entire hydrocarbon industry of the country, MoS Shri Dharmenra Pradhan said knowledge of theoretical aspects is available with IITs while the knowledge of practical aspects of energy business resides with ONGC. He welcomed the partnership for excellence through research and development.

paradigm shift in global attitudes towards climate change, from "carbon credit", towards "green credit"

PM chairs meeting of the Council on Climate Change

• PM calls for a paradigm shift in global attitudes towards climate change, from "carbon credit", towards "green credit" • PM: Global awareness on climate change is an opportunity to improve quality of life of citizens • PM calls for consortium of nations with greatest solar energy potential The Prime Minister, Shri Narendra Modi today called for a paradigm shift in global attitudes towards climate change, from "carbon credit", towards "green credit." Chairing a meeting of the Prime Minister`s Council on Climate Change, Shri Narendra Modi said that instead of focusing on emissions and cuts alone, focus should shift on what we have done for clean energy generation, energy conservation and energy efficiency, and what more can be done in these areas. Shri Narendra Modi called for a careful evaluation of all the initiatives that have been taken by India in this regard. These include, to mention some: initiatives in solar energy, wind energy, biomass energy, and transportation projects that have reduced distances or travel times. The Prime Minister said India looks at the global concern and awareness on Climate Change, as a great opportunity for working towards improving the quality of life of its citizens, and making a positive contribution for mankind. The Prime Minister emphasized India`s "sanskar" (traditions) and "soch" (thinking), where "prakriti prem" (love of nature) was imbibed among people from childhood. The Prime Minister recalled his meeting with leaders of Pacific island nations in Fiji in November 2014, and the apprehension they had over the issue of climate change. The Prime Minister called for a consortium of all nations who have the greatest solar energy potential. He called upon them to join hands with India for innovation and cutting-edge research that would reduce the cost of solar energy, making it more accessible to people. The Prime Minister called for a review of curricula in architecture and civil engineering colleges, to include energy efficient design in a big way.

States of the Union

Cooperative federalism was a prominent theme on Narendra Modi’s agenda even before he became prime minister. As chief minister, he often accused the UPA of “coercive federalism”, violating the federal spirit and reducing the states to a “subservient” position. His position was that India required a “vibrant and functional federal structure” where states are given their due. However, the question worth asking is whether the government will walk the talk, given that party incentives often change with location.

Barring the institutionalisation of local self-government, Indian federalism has rarely seen any deliberate redesign in terms of its structure or in the arrangements with regard to power and resource distribution. Even a cursory reading of the reports of the commissions set up to examine Centre-state relations in India reveals a conservative streak rather than innovative zeal. Further, governments have also acted according to their convenience. The tragedy of the Inter-State Council says it all.

Most changes in Indian federalism have been evolutionary and have come in the form of tweaks and adjustments. Consequently, the structure remains the same but new processes are worked into it. Much of the federalisation of the Indian polity in the 1990s that we often refer to was in the form of new practices and patterns of interaction. Given their informal status, they are contingent on the existing power relations. More importantly, the changes are largely unintended and have been brought about by social, political and economic currents affecting the political system as a whole.

For instance, the emergence of a competitive multi-party system and the institutionalisation of a coalitional system not only made it tough for the Centre to play hardball with the states but also fulfilled some of their longstanding demands. The participation of state-based parties in Central governments fulfilled their desire to have a greater say in national-level decision-making. The Supreme Court, in the Bommai judgment of 1994, made Article 356, often used to dismiss state governments controlled by political parties opposed to the ruling party at the Centre, judicially reviewable. The court’s observations, and the fact that Central governments depended on state-based parties for survival, made Article 356 extremely tough to use, thus removing a major irritant in Centre-state relations.

Similarly, the embrace of economic reforms helped transform financial dynamics between the Centre and the states. With greater discretionary powers, states competed for market-based investment and this marginally reduced the Central government’s influence over a state’s development trajectory. This access to new revenue sources fulfilled the persistent demand for more financial resources and autonomy. If states today have greater political and economic autonomy than the period before the 1990s, it is probably an incidental benefit rather than the result of concerted efforts.

In this context, NDA 2’s decision to do away with the Planning Commission and scrap policy planning from “top to bottom” — probably the biggest sore point in Centre-state relations — will go down as a major reform in India’s federal history. By recognising states as stakeholders while reimagining the commission and pushing the idea that strong

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states do not weaken the Union, the government appears to be making the right noises. At the same time, since May 2014 several irritants have emerged as well. The removal and appointment of governors, the home ministry’s instructions to Haryana on the Haryana Sikh Gurdwara (Management) Act, 2014, to Telangana to hand over law and order powers to the governor of Hyderabad and to the National Investigation Agency on the Burdwan blasts probe are instances that remind us that cooperative federalism remains on the horizon of our expectations. They also indicate the four challenges that the BJP will have to override to institutionalise harmonious Centre-state relations. First, the BJP was only responding to its own political incentives when pushing the cooperative federalism rhetoric. Speaking against the Centre, especially when the Congress is in power has always been an attractive position, as it has often acted as a glue to bring non-Congress parties together. Now that the BJP has a comfortable majority of its own and appears to be riding the crest in the state elections as well, how much of the rhetoric will the party want to take forward. In the past, parties have changed positions when the opportunity structure changed. 

The DMK is one of the few parties that have articulated a position on various dimensions of Centre-state relations, a position crafted when it was primarily active only at the state level. However, when it was in power at the Centre for nearly 14 years and could have pushed its Centre-state reform agenda, it chose to press mute. New institutionalism literature tells us that when actors are integrated with the system, they see only “what they like” and when they are alienated, they begin to see “what they dislike”. The fracas over governors is a good example of the BJP seeing the virtues of the same system they were critical of when in opposition. Second, party organisation matters. As the BJP expands its territorial reach, the need for centralised coordination will increase. Polity-wide parties like the BJP and the Congress use an integrationist and aggregative strategy to appear as cohesive units. Polity decentralisation and party centralisation are unlikely to go together. Third, all federations are dynamic and there is a continual pressure to renegotiate the balance of power and resources between levels of government. The challenge is to constantly innovate and balance different demands. Is the party willing to invest in this exercise? Finally, in parliamentary systems, government-opposition relations could also change the existing incentive structure. The pressure to focus on short-term electoral victories rather than long-term intergovernmental engagement, especially when challenged by the Opposition, will pose the real challenge. The Congress short-circuited federal relations to maintain its dominance. The question is, will the BJP travel the same path? -

Rear view: Lost in Lanka

By the middle of 1987, Rajiv Gandhi was besieged by many domestic problems of extreme gravity. Yet he decided to mediate in the catastrophic ethnic strife in neighbouring Sri Lanka between the ruling Sinhala majority and the highly aggrieved Tamil minority concentrated in the northern and eastern regions of the island republic. The problem had begun long ago, when the Sinhala-dominated government imposed Sinhala as the only language of the country, and it escalated so fast as to become nearly intractable. India’s policy on Sri Lanka, which Rajiv inherited from his mother, was as complex as the situation in the island.

Indira Gandhi did not like the efforts of Sri Lanka’s veteran and wily executive president, J.R. Jayewardene, to draw in the United States, some west European countries and Israel, to help out with his difficulties. She wanted the problem of Sri Lanka to be resolved with Indian assistance without any “any foreign intrusion”. So she had seen to it that her foreign policy advisor, G. Parthasarathy, and a nominee of Jayewardene worked out an arrangement for devolution of power to the Tamil minority in Sri Lanka that would be acceptable to the Sinhala majority also. The effort remained a work in progress. At the same time, she was keen to ensure that Sri Lankan Tamils did not feel let down by India. There was so much sympathy and support for them in Tamil Nadu that they could use the Indian state as a safe haven and also a training field, with the Central government benignly looking away.

Rajiv did not like this and changed the policy. Meanwhile, of the various Tamil groups resisting Sinhala domination, the Liberation Tigers of Tamil Eelam (LTTE) emerged as the most influential and powerful. Eelam in the name stood for complete independence. This was the brainchild of its leader, Velupillai Prabhakaran who, as the world witnessed, was a “brutal fighter”.

The old fox, Jayewardene, was usually in awe of Indira. But he found it easy to deal with her son and successor. Fairly early during their negotiations, the two agreed on a new approach. The Sri Lankan government had so isolated the northern Tamil area as to virtually force India to do some “bread bombing” of Jaffna to enable the starving people to eat. Yet, the two sides broke new ground soon enough. New Delhi and Colombo decided to sign an agreement on solving the problem and to cajole or coerce the LTTE to accept it. The Rajiv-Jayewardene accord was duly inked on July 29 in Colombo in an immensely tense atmosphere. But, as Rajiv’s MoS for External Affairs K. Natwar Singh (who later became foreign minister) has recorded in his autobiography, One Life Is Not Enough, its implementations created more problems than

- it solved. In the first place, even while the agreement was being signed, Sri Lanka’s prime minister, R. Premadasa, and a senior minister, Lalith Athulathmudali, made no secret of their opposition to it. Something even more startling happened a little later. Seeing that Jayewardene was talking seriously to Rajiv surrounded only by Sri Lankan officials, Foreign Minister P.V. Narasimha Rao asked Natwar Singh to go and find out what was afoot. Rajiv told him that Colombo was a besieged city and Jayewardene feared that there might be a coup before nightfall. So he had asked for an Indian Peace Keeping Force (IPKF) immediately. To Natwar’s question of whether he would like to consult his senior colleagues before sending troops, Rajiv replied that he had already ordered a division of the army to get to Colombo as fast as possible. Before signing the agreement, Rajiv had sent for Prabhakaran in Delhi, and was apparently satisfied with the LTTE supremo’s verbal acceptance of the draft accord. Tamil Nadu’s hugely popular chief minister, M.G. Ramachandaran, was also in Delhi and reportedly gave Prabhakaran a lot of money. However, when asked to surrender arms, as required by the July 29 accord, the LTTE insisted on a series of preconditions, including the release of all Tamil prisoners in government custody and a halt to Sinhala colonisation of the island’s eastern region. How terribly high the Sinhala rage against Indian intervention in their country was became known at the time of Rajiv’s departure for home. At the guard of honour, a Lankan soldier tried to hit him with the stem of his gun. The prime minister’s youthful reflexes saved his life. At the Bandaranaike International Airport, the Sri Lankan prime minister was conspicuous by his absence. When asked about this “discourtesy”, Rajiv blandly replied: “Some presidents have a problem with their prime ministers, and some prime ministers have a problem with their presidents.” The latter part of the statement was a clear reference to his row with the then president, Giani Zail Singh. For a short while, an uneasy peace lasted in Sri Lanka. But even the Tamils of that country turned against India because the IPKF had to storm and capture the LTTE headquarters in Jaffna, though at a high cost. Several IPKF commanders have written books about the often vague and even contradictory instructions from Delhi. This should explain why the much-respected Indian army suffered a dent in its image. Over a thousand Indian soldiers were killed. In 1989, when Rajiv was defeated in the election, Premadasa had replaced Jayewardene as Lanka’s president. He lost no time in demanding the IPKF’s withdrawal. The new Indian prime minister, V.P. Singh, was happy to undo what Rajiv had done. When the first batch of the IPKF landed in Chennai, no one in the Tamil Nadu government was willing to receive it. Only the governor, P.C. Alexander, welcomed them. Even more sadly, there is no memorial for the IPKF anywhere in India. Only the Sri Lankans have built one in Colombo. - Evidently, they realise that India spilled blood and spent from its treasury to save their country’s unity. -

Global wealth flowing to the richest, says study

The richest 1 percent is likely to control more than half of the globes total wealth by next year, the charity Oxfam reported in a study released Monday. The warning about deepening global inequality comes just as the world’s business elite prepare to meet this week at the annual World Economic Forum in Davos, Switzerland.

The 80 wealthiest people in the world altogether own $1.9 trillion, the report found, nearly the same amount shared by the 3.5 billion people who occupy the bottom half of the worlds income scale. (Last year, it took 85 billionaires to equal that figure.) And the richest 1 percent of the population, who number in the millions, control nearly half of the worlds total wealth, a share that is also increasing.

The type of inequality that currently characterises the world’s economies is unlike anything seen in recent years, the report explained. Between 2002 and 2010 the total wealth of the poorest half of the world in current U.S. dollars had been increasing more or less at the same rate as that of billionaires, it said. However since 2010, it has been decreasing over that time.

Winnie Byanyima, the charity’s executive director, noted in a statement that more than 1 billion people lived on less than $1.25 a day.

Do we really want to live in a world where the 1 percent own more than the rest of us combined? Byanyima said. The scale of global inequality is quite simply staggering.

Investors with interests in finance, insurance and health saw the biggest windfalls, Oxfam said. Using data from Forbes magazines list of billionaires, it said those listed as having interests in the pharmaceutical and health care industries saw their net worth jump by 47 percent. The charity credited those individuals rapidly growing fortunes in part to multimillion-dollar lobbying campaigns to protect and enhance their interests.

Looking for a lady from Eastern Europe

Ban Ki-moon has nearly two more years to go, but the race for his successor as U.N. Secretary-General has already begun in world capitals as well as in New York

If you are a lady in your late fifties or early sixties, a national of one of the small states in Eastern Europe, with considerable experience of working in the U.N. system either as a diplomat or as a senior member of the Secretariat, with no strong views against the well known U.N. consensus positions on fundamental issues, and also speak French, you have a high level job waiting for you. Starting from January 2017, the job will be based out of an office on the 38th floor of the U.N. building in New York and a town house in Manhattan.

But the imponderables are many. The job description is extremely vague and cursory. So are the prescribed qualifications of the Secretary-General of the United Nations, who has to be the Chief Executive, negotiator, mediator and the conscience of mankind. In fact, anyone who is acceptable to the majority of the members of the Security Council, including the permanent members, can be chosen in a private meeting. The person has to win two-thirds majority of the General Assembly later, but so far, no recommended candidate has failed to fulfil that requirement. But still, the next Secretary-General of the U.N. should have the attributes mentioned because of the history of the position, convention, practice and expectation.

Factors that matter

First and foremost, no woman has ever been elected Secretary-General so far and, in these days of gender balance and empowerment of women, the U.N. cannot overlook this fact. Equally sacrosanct is geographical rotation, which is at the centre of selection of personnel at all levels. Competence is often sacrificed at the altar of regional distribution. The fact that nearly half the staff of the U.N. are selected on the basis of geographical representation and not merit was acknowledged by Boutros Boutros-Ghali, when he said, “about fifty percent”, when he was asked as to how many people worked at the U.N. Among the five regional groups, one of which every member state belongs to, only the East European Group has not had a chance to provide the Secretary-General so far, while Asia (Myanmar and South Korea) West Europe (Norway, Sweden and Austria) and Africa (Egypt and Ghana) have provided more than one and Latin America (Peru) has provided one. The East European Group has undergone major changes after the end of the Cold War and it will be difficult to deny it the chance to nominate a Secretary-General this time.

“That no woman has been elected U.N. Secretary General cannot be overlooked in these days of gender balance and women’s empowerment”

The leading state in the East European Group, Russia, does not qualify as permanent members are excluded from consideration, as there will be too much concentration of power in a permanent member, if it also nominates the Secretary-General. This argument was used against India as India was a candidate for permanent membership. Even while opposing India’s permanent membership, the argument was used to deny support to an Indian candidate. But some of the former Republics of the Soviet Union like the Baltic States or some states, which were part of Yugoslavia may be able to offer candidates that fit the bill.

Age is no bar, but in the traditional world of diplomacy, in which age and experience are respected and the youth are seen as upstarts, persons with no more than 10 working years to go have an advantage. The experience can either be in the missions at the Ambassadorial level or in the Secretariat or both. Kofi Annan was the only Secretary-General who came from the Secretariat and some of his faults were attributed to his having been a part of the U.N. Secretariat for long. Foreign Ministers and above look attractive, but former Presidents or Prime Ministers have never made it. Overqualification is as deadly as under qualification.

Holding strong views on any subject is not an asset to the aspirants. Inane and colourless commitment to the consensus positions of the world body should help. The smaller the country, the more committed it will be to non-proliferation, human rights and the environment as it does not have to give up anything in espousing the consensus within the U.N. A representative of a country like India, which has its own angularities on these issues has little chance of leading the U.N., unless he disowns his national positions. No wonder, then, that the Indian candidate last time had never represented India at the U.N. Mr. Ghali was denied a second term basically because he brought his own perspectives to the job. Initially, it was thought that his Coptic Christianity and Jewish wife distanced him from the country of which he was Foreign Minister. In the case of Kofi Annan, his European wife may have been a helpful factor.

The permanent members

The permanent members have repeatedly made it clear that they will not accept any procedure to elect the Secretary-General that would detract from their own role in choosing the next Secretary-General. There have been suggestions that a search committee should be constituted with Kofi Annan at its head, with representatives of the permanent members as members. Nothing would be more objectionable to the permanent five. They demand absolute loyalty of the Secretary-General and will not be party to any arrangement which brings in other king makers. For this reason, the aspirants should be totally acceptable to all the five of them. It is the U.S. which identifies a potential candidate and sells him or her to the rest of the permanent members and then to the rest of the Security Council. The best chance is for someone who is willing to abide by the wishes of the permanent five without questioning as in the case of the previous incumbents except Dag Hammarskjöld and Boutros Ghali. The first was killed in a mysterious aircraft accident and Ghali was denied the customary second term. A “head waiter image” is the most suitable. Brilliant ideas or thinking out of the box are not assets for them. Like it happened in the case of Javier Pérez de Cuéllar, after several rounds of voting, an exhausted Security Council picked the one candidate who had nothing negative against him even if he had nothing positive either. Pérez de Cuéllar was fishing in Peru when he was elected unanimously.

With the sartorial elegance associated with diplomats, the aspirant has to be smartly turned out and well groomed. This is particularly important if a lady becomes the next U.N. Secretary-General.

The run-up

If a senior official of the Secretariat or a senior diplomat begins taking French lessons in New York, it is presumed that he or she aspires to be a candidate for the post of Secretary-General. France absolutely insists that it will veto any candidate who does not speak French. But mercifully, no desirable level has been clearly established and the French vote is often determined by other factors. Ban Ki-moon’s French is not particularly strong, but the French had other reasons to support him. But the French trump card is a nightmare for aspirants. If China and Russia too had imposed such conditions, the language courses at the U.N. would be heavily subscribed.

Ban Ki-moon has nearly two more years to go, but the race for his successor has already begun in the world capitals as well as in New York. Since there is no established procedure, whispers in the delegates’ lounge and conference corridors lead to speculation, emergence of candidates, controversies, convergence of opinions and even consensus. One agreement that has been reached so far is that the next Secretary-General shall be appointed as early as possible, preferably not later than one month before the term of the incumbent expires. The decision in November 2016 may be a surprise, but it will be no surprise if a lady from East Europe walks away with the post.