15 September 2014

The impact of institutional decay

If the new government at the Centre wishes to improve the state of education, institutional recovery will have to be its topmost priority. Other reforms can wait. Universities and undergraduate colleges determine the quality of teachers at all levels from kindergarten upwards

Starting with the latter half of the 19th century, many Indian students went overseas in pursuit of higher education. Some of them later became leaders of the freedom movement. This trend continued after the turn of the century. Gandhi and Nehru studied in England, Ambedkar went to the United States and Lohia and Zakir Hussain acquired their doctoral degrees in Germany. Even today, we notice that thousands of some of our best students go abroad in pursuit of higher education and never return. Not all of them are driven by the attraction of a foreign degree. Before it brings them better income and status, it is the opportunity to study abroad that provides them a more satisfying experience of learning and research than is available in India. It is not merely the personal consequences of having one’s higher education abroad, but also its experience that differs rather sharply from what is available in India.
‘Politics of waiting’

The gap between our universities and those in Europe and North America began to narrow in some cases by the 1980s, but the 1990s reversed the trend. Established policies were ignored, and a new ideology took over. Even as the industrial policy shifted away from quota-permit-inspection raj, the system of education used precisely these means to regulate the burgeoning private-commercial sector. This attempt met with failure and corruption in all areas of professional higher education, including engineering, medicine and teacher training.
Institutional decay is a common, national story, but its details differ from State to State. Not one of our 700 universities figures in the list of institutions adjudged the best in the world. This list includes not just the American, European, Australian and Japanese universities, but also some in China, South Africa and even Malaysia. India’s absence in global educational rankings is usually seen as a national embarrassment, but that is hardly the point. What ought to concern us is the impact that institutional decay has on the young. An Ambedkar, a Ramanujan or a Jagadish Chandra Bose hidden in a young mind today would need an American or a European university to identify and nurture it. Let us imagine that such a young person returns to India after completing a doctoral degree. The first thing he or she would have to worry about is getting through the National Eligibility Test (NET) organised twice a year by the University Grants Commission (UGC). This notorious test cannot be negotiated without a lot of cramming. Qualifying in it is an essential condition to get the job of a lecturer (now renamed as assistant professor). Even if the young person we are contemplating manages to qualify in the NET, the challenge of getting a teaching position still remains. In all likelihood, he or she will get an ad hoc position, with a fixed salary and no rights or dignity. Ad hoc teachers cannot freely present their views in staff meetings as their contract is to be renewed every four or six months. They usually teach a lot more than permanent staff, yet they cannot borrow books from a library without a hefty security deposit. An ad hoc appointment can last for years, and it can make the most positive young mind cynical. The “politics of waiting” analysed by Craig Jeffrey in his book on educated unemployment in India is actually quite damaging, both to individuals and to society.
Deprived of dignity

You can find any number of young men and women across the country who have been teaching for years in vulnerable positions known by various names like “temporary,” “contractual,” “ad hoc” or “guest.” They keep waiting for permanent vacancies to be advertised, but in many parts of India, such advertisements are now a thing of the past. In any case, getting a permanent or tenure post in an Indian university now implies managing a highly complex constellation of favourable factors. These include patronage, contacts, a desirable social background and luck. To these, the UGC has added a maze of quantifiable points. This remarkable device offers the same score whether you publish your work in bogus journals or genuine ones. The same applies when it comes to participation in seminars. Despite all the song and dance of transparency and accountability, the basic processes of selection and appointment are usually quite earthly. It is no wonder then that courts are dragged into giving a stay on appointments so frequently. The difficulties and delays faced in the process of selection and appointments have destroyed the careers of tens of thousands of capable young people. Hundreds of universities and thousands of colleges have also been wrecked in the process.
 The difficulties and delays faced in the process of selection and appointments of teachers have destroyed the careers of tens of thousands of capable young people. Hundreds of universities and thousands of colleges have also been wrecked in the process 
Downsizing trend

In both higher and school education, the trend to downsize permanent staff started in the early 1990s. Economic reforms formed the background of this trend. Long before the Fifth Pay Commission explicitly ordered a reduction in posts, the process of recruitment of teachers had either been stopped or drastically modified in many States. Apparently, contractual hiring of teachers and reduction of support staff were perceived as a convenient means of meeting the fiscal crisis in many States. Once the number of low-paid, vulnerable teachers grew, they became politically useful for rival political parties and union leaders. Both these processes were quite visible across northern India. In Madhya Pradesh, lecturers have not been recruited since 1993. New courses of various types have been launched, and they are being taught by guest or ad hoc teachers. States like Uttar Pradesh, Bihar and Himachal Pradesh have followed this trend. In a puzzling case, Delhi University decided to juxtapose its launch of a new four-year undergraduate course with a tacit ban on permanent appointments. The number of ad hoc teachers in Delhi now stands at the astonishing figure of 4,000. At the school level too, Delhi now boasts of 20,000 guest or contract teachers. But Madhya Pradesh has gone farther than any other State to downgrade its teacher workforce. School staff recruited before the 1990s were declared a “dying cadre,” and a new spectrum of low-paid contract teachers replaced it. Political change aroused hope among this new vulnerable cadre, but the policy did not change. Madhya Pradesh was once respected for its robust public system of higher and school education; it now tops national rankings for rape.
Cultural wealth

Education signifies cultural wealth. This wealth consists of thoughtful minds and an ethos shaped by an exchange of ideas, the reading of books and creative activities. The happiness of teachers forms the centre of such an ethos. By denigrating the teacher, India has damaged what capacity its system of education had for producing and conserving cultural wealth. Decay of libraries has contributed to this process. Schools in our country seldom have libraries, but many provincial colleges once boasted of rich, usable libraries. I recall visiting Allahabad’s famous Ewing Christian College as part of an inspection team and discovering to my horror that its famous library had been partitioned. The old collection was locked up; the part accessible to students mostly had guidebooks. Public libraries have also suffered neglect.
The once-prestigious Delhi Public Library is now a shadow of its past glory, with nearly half of its permanent posts lying vacant. Perhaps libraries no more qualify to be a priority in Indian universities and colleges. Adroit planners have endorsed its neglect and shifted the focus to e-resources. These resources are, of course, important, but they cannot substitute the ethos a library creates. In countries ahead of us in education, the maintenance of the library as a special place is regarded as key to inducting the young into a community of knowledge.
If the new government at the Centre wishes to improve the state of education, institutional recovery will have to be its topmost priority. Other reforms can wait. Universities and undergraduate colleges determine the quality of teachers at all levels from kindergarten upwards. No matter where we look, non-appointment has become a culture. Enrolment has increased while institutional capacity has diminished. Even in the richer southern States like Karnataka and Tamil Nadu, commercial and political interests have injured the quality of education. If money has indeed been saved by letting vacancies accumulate or by filling them cheaply and by cutting down support staff, this kind of saving has incurred a big price. What has India gained by doing this kind of saving? It has weakened the already limited capacity the system had for serving children. Had Dr. Radhakrishnan — whose name we invoke to honour the profession of teaching — been alive, he would have been startled to see how the nation has treated its teachers.

Outreach plans for scientists

The decision of the Union Minister of Science and Technology to tap the talent pool of about 6,000 scientists from institutions and centres that come under the umbrella of the Department of Science and Technology, the Ministry of Earth Sciences and the Council of Scientific and Industrial Research to give lectures to school and college students is a good initiative. Scientists dedicating 12 hours a year each to engage with students to impart scientific knowledge and inculcate a scientific temper in them is bound to go a long way in attracting young talent to science and grooming them. This is a much-needed step as India, like several other countries, faces an alarming situation of steadily decreasing numbers of school students opting for science, and a lack of long-term interest among those who have chosen it. While the intent behind the initiative is good, a coordinated approach by different Ministries would be more effective in achieving the goal. Not involving scientists from the 32 institutions of the Indian Council of Medical Research and similar nodal bodies is unjustified. The lapse becomes all the more glaring as the outreach programmes are to be made mandatory and scientists’ performance is to be evaluated once every three years. As it stands, the initiative could cause resentment among the 6,000 scientists as their counterparts in institutions that come under other nodal agencies face no such compulsions. The government should act swiftly to ensure that all the scientists working in government institutions become involved in student outreach programmes. The metrics of their performance can be used to reward them while assessing their research proposals and promotions.
Several institutions and individuals in the U.S. engage in student outreach programmes and India has a great deal to learn from their experience. We should make sure that as we belatedly embark on this ambitious goal, we conscientiously avoid committing the same mistakes that have been seen elsewhere. The first and foremost pitfall to be avoided is compelling scientists to teach science by replacing teachers. Teaching should be made active rather than passive. Excellent results can be achieved when scientists guide students and teachers to do real science that is open-ended, inquiry-based and driven by a sense of exploration — which only scientists are best-equipped to offer. This will foster critical thinking and imagination and impart skills of scientific investigation. Also, it will arouse children’s curiosity and set off a series of questions prior to, during and after a project. Information and knowledge thus gained remain indelible, and science becomes fun. The Indian Space Research Organisation’s work of guiding students from a handful of engineering colleges to build satellites, which were eventually launched, is one of the best examples of imaginative student outreach programmes.

Union Ministry of Science & Technology announces “KIRAN” scheme for Women Scientists

The Union Ministry of Science & Technology also announced KIRAN (Knowledge, Involvement, Research, Advancement through Nurturing) for women scientists –A unique advertising scheme to bring about, as far as possible, gender equality in the field of science and technology.
Objectives:-
  1. To increase the number of women researchers in India.
  2. Provide Research grants particularly to those female researchers and technologists who had to take a break in career owing to household reasons.
  3. Bring about, as far as achievable, gender parity in the field of science and technology.
The scholarships will be provided under three categories-
  1. For those women linked in research work in basic or applied sciences with any central or state level organization or university
  2. For those women scientists involved in research and application of innovative solutions for several social problems
  3. For those researchers who are self-employed.
Under the scheme, the Union Ministry of Science & Technology will build leadership positions for women. Such a scheme would be beneficial for women who face unavoidable interruptions in their careers owing to numerous reasons.

New climate treaty should reflect reality

While accepting Common But Differentiated Responsibility (CBDR), the world should look to a new climate treaty which is binding but also reflect the ground realities, according to Connie Hedegaard, Commissioner for Climate Action, European Commission, on Friday.
At a media interaction, Ms. Hedegaard said the world was changing and a new treaty could have a differentiated approach to different emerging economies.
“The first thing we need is to have a more constructive and “unideological” way of discussing that,” she pointed out.
In the run-up to the Copenhagen climate conference, more than 90 countries made their own climate targets.
Europe has never been afraid of binding treaties because that is in line with its tradition.
Advocating a hybrid approach, which involves a bottom-up and a top-down approach, Ms. Hedegaard said, “there is a gap which is not closing on what we say we want to achieve and what is achieved globally.”
Unprecedented emission
Recent figures show that the world has not seen such an increase in emissions like it did last year and those who are afraid of binding treaties should come up with credible alternatives that make the world convinced that when countries leave the negotiating table in Paris with stated intentions, they will be delivered over the years.
Merely having nice intentions is not enough, she remarked.
She said CBDR was a big controversial issue but not the only one at arriving a global consensus - issues of finance, technology and others would also dominate talks.
CBDR cannot be discussed in a black and white manner and based on the 1992 situation. Then the divisions were clear that developed countries must commit to cutting emissions but now we need to evolve a way where growth development and climate change can go hand in hand, she said.
Europe wants a strong agreement for Paris and the world is getting impatient and citizens are feeling the human and economic impact of climate change, she added.
“In Europe we have an example to show as since 1990 we had an increase in GDP of 45 per cent while reducing emissions between 18 and 19 per cent during the same period. You would see the decoupling of growth and emissions,” she said.
On September 23, 28 heads of states in the European Union will adopt new targets for Europe, a 40 per cent cut in emissions domestically by 2030, in addition to aiming at 27 per cent of all energy consumption from renewables and a 30 per cent energy efficiency.

India’s Arctic observatory to aid climate change studies


Deep in the frigid waters of the Arctic Ocean, an Indian observatory is quietly churning out data that is expected to help scientists understand the Arctic climate process and its influence on the Indian monsoon system.

The deployment of IndARC, the country’s first underwater moored observatory in the Kongsfjorden fjord, half way between Norway and the North Pole, represents a major milestone in India’s scientific endeavours in the Arctic region, says Shailesh Nayak, Secretary, Ministry of Earth Sciences.

Designed and developed by scientists from the Earth System Science Organisation (ESSO), National Centre for Antarctic and Ocean Research (NCAOR), National Institute of Ocean Technology (NIOT) and Indian National Centre for Ocean Information Services (INCOIS), IndARC was deployed from RV Lance, a research vessel belonging to the Norwegian Polar Institute on July 23.

The observatory is anchored at a depth of 192 m and has an array of 10 state-of-the-art oceanographic sensors strategically positioned at various depths in the water. Speaking to The Hindu during a recent visit to the city, Dr. Nayak said the sensors were programmed to collect real- time data on seawater temperature, salinity, ocean currents and other vital parameters of the fjord.

The Kongsfjorden is considered a natural laboratory for studying the Arctic climate variability. Scientists predict that melting of the Arctic glaciers will trigger changes in weather patterns and ocean currents that could affect other parts of the world.

“The interaction between the Arctic ice shelf and the deep sea and its influence on climate shift requires detailed studies over an annual seasonal cycle”, explained Dr. Nayak. “One of the major constraints in such a study has been the difficulty in reaching the location to collect data during the harsh Arctic winter. The IndARC observatory is an attempt to overcome this lacuna.”

He added that data collected by IndARC would be used for climate modelling studies to understand the influence of the Arctic processes on the Indian monsoon system

Bill stuck so cannot create DNA data bank: Centre to SC


The Centre has informed the Supreme Court that the Human DNA Profiling Bill was currently held up and hence it was not in a position to create a national DNA data bank. It cited privacy concerns, lack of experts and handful laboratories as the prime reasons for not being able to push the Bill aimed at profiling the accused of serious crimes, and unidentified dead.
“DNA Profiling Bill is at present held up because privacy concerns have been raised by certain experts and NGOs. These concerns are being addressed by an Expert Committee set up by the Department of Biotechnology,” the Ministry of Science and Technology stated in a recent affidavit, adding the Committee was awaiting relevant inputs on the matter.
The apex court had in July suggested the Centre to create a DNA data bank, while agreeing with a plea by NGO Lokniti Foundation that establishment of identity was an essential feature of individual dignity and the government must resort to modern scientific methods.
The proposal to create a national DNA data bank was originally mooted in 2007, but it was dropped to factor in ethical, moral and legal issues on the sensitive matter. Crafted by the Department of Biotechnology, the Bill allows Deoxyribonucleic acid (DNA) profiling to help national law enforcement agencies and others in crime investigation and civil proceedings.
The government said DNA profiling was a complex technology, and that these activities needed appropriate regulation to prevent the misuse of the samples and DNA profiles, which could be achieved by the provisions in the draft Human DNA Profiling Bill.
The government stated that the proposed framework required “large number of trained personnel, which the country does not have at the moment.” It said that as per the international standards, one DNA examiner can undertake 100 cases per year and hence, only for the purpose of identifying 40,000 unidentified dead bodies, India would need at least 400 examiners.
However, the government said, the country had only 30 to 40 DNA experts against an estimated requirement of around 800 technical examiners for its 1,200 million population. “Therefore, it is necessary to set up large number of DNA testing units with skilled personnel who are capable of handling forensic DNA testing for identification of unidentified dead bodies,” it said.
Further, the process is resource-intensive as Rs 20,000 is the average cost of each test and the estimated cost of identifying 40,000 bodies would be Rs 80 crore every year, in addition to the remuneration of the examiners and support staff.

Silk route to Beijing

China’s decision to postpone President Xi Jinping’s visit to Pakistan has got much attention in New Delhi. But this in no way marks a major change in Beijing’s policy towards Islamabad. President Xi is likely to travel to Islamabad sooner rather than later and reaffirm the depth of Beijing’s commitment to Islamabad. Delhi, however, is in danger of missing the significance of a more important change in Xi’s itinerary for the subcontinent. Instead of Pakistan, Xi has gone to the Maldives and also keeps his original date with Sri Lanka.
Thanks to its preoccupation with the defence of the contested northern frontiers with Pakistan and China, Delhi does not pay adequate attention to the emerging maritime dynamic to the south of the subcontinent. China’s interest in the island states of the Indian Ocean is relatively new and could turn out to be rather consequential.
As China’s economic interests in the Indian Ocean expanded rapidly in recent decades, Beijing’s naval interest and profile in the littoral also grew steadily. Sceptics say China’s naval priority is the western Pacific, where it is locked in intensifying territorial disputes with its Asian neighbours. They note Beijing’s determination to contest America’s longstanding naval primacy on its eastern sea board.
Others insist that Beijing is pursuing a two-ocean strategy rather than limiting itself to the western Pacific. Since the end of 2008, the Chinese navy has deployed its naval units on a continuous basis for anti-piracy operations in the Gulf of Aden. This has provided the Chinese navy with valuable experience in conducting “far sea operations”.
Beijing sees the sea lines of communication (SLOCs), which move massive amounts of energy and mineral resources from the Middle East and Africa to China through the Indian Ocean, as vital lifelines. Securing these SLOCs has emerged as a major justification for China’s growing naval activity in the Indian Ocean.
Over the last decade, Beijing has also focused on building maritime infrastructure in the Indian Ocean. Its investment in the development of new ports at Gwadar in Pakistan, Hambantota in Sri Lanka, and Kyaukphyu in Myanmar, has generated much concern in India about China’s long-term intentions in the Indian Ocean.
Although these are all civilian ports for now, Delhi worries that they may portend a permanent Chinese naval presence in the Indian Ocean. Beijing has also cultivated special political relationships with key countries in the region and has stepped up its maritime diplomacy in the littoral. Xi’s predecessor, Hu Jintao, visited Seychelles and Mauritius during his tenure as president (2003-13). Now, Xi becomes the first Chinese president to visit Sri Lanka and the Maldives. Xi would certainly want to makethese visits memorable. Spread across the sea lanes of the Indian Ocean, Sri Lanka, Maldives, Mauritius and Seychelles are exceptional vantage points to monitor and secure them, ensure valuable access for navies and project maritime power. In all these island states, which have long been associated with India, Chinese influence has begun to rise. Xi has elevated China’s intense outreach to the Indian Ocean island states with a new proposal for a “21st century maritime silk road” that will connect China’s coastline with critical locations in Southeast Asia, the subcontinent, the Gulf, the Mediterranean and the east coast of Africa. The Chinese president wants to develop ports across the littoral, build special export processing zones around them, and promote economic and financial interdependence with China. Xi’s invitation to Sri Lanka and the Maldives to join the “maritime silk road” has been accepted with alacrity by Colombo and Male. Xi’s visit to these two nations is likely to help China consolidate the emerging maritime partnership with Sri Lanka and lay the foundation for building one with the Maldives. Xi has also invited Delhi to join both the maritime silk route as well as the overland trade corridor connecting south-western China with the eastern subcontinent through Myanmar. After prolonged hesitation, India has begun formal discussions with officials from China, Myanmar and Bangladesh on developing the so-called BCIM corridor or the “southern silk road”. Yet there are many reservations in the Indian establishment on both the overland and maritime silk road proposals. Xi Jinping’s visit to India this week gives Prime Minister Narendra Modi the chance to weigh in on the issue and develop a new approach that takes into account India’s long-term economic, political and strategic interests. India can’t stop its neighbours from cooperating with China on infrastructure development at a moment when Delhi is doing exactly the same with Beijing. Instead of blocking China’s silk road initiatives in the region, Delhi must actively participate and shape the agenda. At the same time, it must leave its neighbours in no doubt that there are certain red lines regarding India’s security that can’t be transgressed in their collaboration with China on mega projects. Putting in place a strategy to modernise India’s internal connectivity and strengthen its maritime infrastructure is critical for any effective Indian response to China’s silk road initiative. Modi must also find ways to overcome one of India’s biggest weaknesses in promoting transborder corridors, which is project implementation at home and in the neighbouring countries. India needs to develop a vigorous framework for maritime economic activism in the Indian Ocean and beyond. It must include collaboration with powers like Japan who are eager to develop transfrontier corridors through the region. The question is no longer about keeping China out of the subcontinent. India must collaborate with whoever it can in reconnecting the subcontinent with itself and the neighbouring regions. -

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