Showing posts with label Polity. Show all posts
Showing posts with label Polity. Show all posts

20 December 2017

Quality of Research in Universities

Quality of Research in Universities

In order encourage research and development in the country, University Grants Commission (UGC) has laid out a number of schemes, award, fellowships, chairs and programmes under which financial assistance is provided to institutions of higher education as well as faculty members working therein to undertake quality research in almost all areas of knowledge across disciplines. These schemes include:
(i) Special Assistance Programme (SAP);
(ii) Basic Scientific Research (BSR);
(iii) Universities & Colleges with Potential for Excellence (UPE/CPE);
(iv) Research Scientists;
(v) Digital repository of research and teaching material;
(vi) Minor and Major Research Projects (MRP);
(vii) Research Fellowships;
(viii) Scholarships and fellowships in engineering and technology;
(ix) Research awards;
(x) Research workshops, seminars and conferences; and
(xi) Emeritus fellowship
The Government has also emphasized the need for promoting research that is socially relevant. For this purpose, two schemes namely Impacting Research Innovation and Technology (IMPRINT) and Uchhatar Avishkar Yojana (UAY) have been launched. IMPRINT focuses on research in higher educational institutions, with an allocation Rs.487.00 crore for a period of three years beginning 2016-17. The cost of the project is met to the extent of 50% by the Ministry of Human Resource Development (MHRD) and the remaining 50% by the participating Ministry/Department. UAY promotes industry sponsored, outcome-oriented research projects with an outlay of Rs.475.00 crore for a period of two years beginning 2016-17. The project cost is met to the extent of 50% by the Ministry of Human Resource Development (MHRD) and 25% each by the Industry and the participating Ministry/Department. UAY is the best example of industry academia collaboration.

6 December 2017

first woman Secretary General of the Lok Sabha.

Snehlata Shrivastava, a 1982-batch retired IAS officer of the Madhya Pradesh cadre, was on Wednesday appointed the first woman Secretary General of the Lok Sabha. The appointment was made by Lok Sabha Speaker Sumitra Mahajan.
.........Belonging to the Madhya Pradesh cadre (1982 batch), she is currently Secretary, Justice, in the Law Ministry. She would assume charge on December 1. Shrivastav would be the first woman to be appointed to the post, although the Rajya Sabha has had a woman secretary-general — B S Rama Devi — in the past, who also served as the Governor of Himachal Pradesh after retirement.
The secretaries-general of the two Houses enjoy the rank of the Cabinet Secretary. Mishra, her predecessor, was also a serving IAS officer when he was appointed as the Secretary-General in 2014.
Q. Find incorrect statement(s) about Secretary General of Lok Sabha?
No woman has ever held this position.
The Secretary general of Lok Sabha is ex-officio secretary general of Rajya Sabha as well.
Secretary general enjoys rank of a cabinet Secretary.
In the table of precedence, LS Secretary general is ranked higher than UPSC Chairman but lower than CAG.
Answer codes
Only 1 and 4
Only 2 and 3
Only 1, 2 and 4
None of the given statement

Why the Van Raji tribe of Uttarakhand won’t speak its language

Why the Van Raji tribe of Uttarakhand won’t speak its language
A language once spoken by a tribal community in Uttarakhand now teeters on the brink of survival
Madan Singh Rajwar is walking down a mountain with his carpentry tools on a warm morning. The India-Nepal border is a few kilometres away. The swollen Gori Ganga river is boisterous this summer. Two years ago, the river ate the road and everything else except Madan’s village. Chiphaltara, a hamlet of 11 families, is located deep inside a mountain forest of oak and pine in Uttarakhand’s Pithoragarh district.
And it is only here, at home, that he talks in Raji, his mother tongue, Madan tells me. “Aah, who talks in our language? No one!” he declares, grinning. “I don’t like to speak to outsiders in Raji.” I request him to speak a few sentences, and he indulges me but swiftly switches back to Kumaoni.
Madan is a member of a tribe called Van Rawat or Van Raji, meaning ‘kings’ or ‘royal people of the forest’. It has a population of 1,295 members sparsely spread over 11 villages of Pithoragarh, Champawat and Udham Singh Nagar districts of Uttarakhand. There are 2,241 Rajis in Uttar Pradesh as well. Because of their dwindling numbers, low literacy rate and unequal development, the Ministry of Tribal Affairs has classified them as a Particularly Vulnerable Tribal Group (PVTG). And their language, Raji, is considered by Unesco as ‘severely endangered’.
Dominant influences
The dominant Hindu and Kumaoni cultures have no doubt influenced the lives of Raji. “I feel ashamed to talk in my language,” says Madan. “We are at the bottom of the social strata. Although everyone knows me in the neighbourhood, I don’t like to announce that I am a Raji in front of strangers like you. I am more comfortable in Kumaoni or Hindi.”
In fact, everyone I meet in Chiphaltara speaks to me in Kumaoni or Hindi. Ram Singh Rajwar, another Raji, admits he scolds his wife if she speaks to their two daughters in Raji. “I want them to learn Hindi, and later, English. I want them to go to an English-medium school,” Ram Singh says in fluent Hindi.
photo-3- Vanaraji Village Koota Chaurani Block Didihat District Pithoragar
The Raji tongue belongs to the Himalayan group of the Tibeto-Burman family of languages, says Kavita Rastogi, head of the linguistics department of Lucknow University, who is trying to revive Raji. “When a community depends on another one for roti-kapda-makan, it can lose its own language because they must continuously communicate in the language of the dominant community for business.”
Rastogi has published a book of letters in Raji. Teachers in primary schools don’t motivate Raji children to speak in their mother tongue, she says. “They call it ‘junglee bhasha,’ so the younger generation feels inferior and less inclined to speak it.”
And it is isn’t just their language that is dying — much of the Van Rawats’ traditional knowledge of medicinal plants is also on the decline. Their close proximity to flora and fauna helped the community discover the medicinal properties of plants and herbs in forests around their village. However, this knowledge has mostly diminished with the coming of hospitals and medical stores in recent times.
Fading into oblivion
Gora Devi, an older member of the village, says their village does not have a dense forest cover any more. “Earlier, if someone fractured their hand, we would cut a piece of wood and tie it around the hand — like a plaster cast. Every ailment was treated with plants and herbs. Now the hospital is nearby. We get medicines over the counter,” says Gora Devi.
Younger members like Madan and Ram Singh can no longer identify medicinal plants. Nevertheless, researchers have attempted to document the unique ethno-medicinal practices of the Raji tribe before they fade into oblivion.
Today, for livelihood, much of the tribe collects wood. When Madan is able to sell wood, he is a happy man. But those days are rare. On most days, he works for Kumaoni landholders.
Rajis were also once widely known for their excellent carpentry skills. Two decades ago, at any Raji house, every household item would be made of wood — from bed to bowl. At one time, when the tribe lived outside the village, they would come at night and keep the carved pots and bowls outside Kumaoni houses. The next night, the Kumaonis would keep vegetables and grains for the Rajis to collect. As the government banned tree felling, the culture of woodcraft died and Rajis today use steel and plastic like everyone else.
Mohan Singh Rajwar, 55, says he doesn’t remember the last time he carved something out of wood. “I don’t have the tools any more. But I don’t think I have forgotten how to carve,” he says.
Attempts by the government and NGOs to ‘civilise’ them may have robbed the Rajis of their traditions, culture and language, but they are worried about more than just their vanishing language and culture.
The Rajis live in dire poverty and can barely afford two meals a day. I meet eight-year-old Kalavati, wearing a thread around her neck with her house key strung on it. She is eating rice and dal in her one-room mud house, where she, her parents and two younger siblings live.
She made the food herself, she tells me, while her mother was away collecting fodder. In a corner of the room, a cow moos. Her textbooks stick out through the broken zip of a ragged school bag. A few clothes hang from a rope that runs from one end of the room to the other.
For Kalavati and her family, I can’t help but think cultural conservation must be trumped by a more basic concern — survival.

5 December 2017

India re-elected as Member of International Maritime Council for two years (2018-19)

India re-elected as Member of International Maritime Council for two years (2018-19)
India has been re-elected to the Council of the International Maritime Organization [IMO] under Category “B” at the 30th session of the Assembly of the IMO held in London on 01 December, 2017. The IMO Council consists of 40 member countries. In Categories “A” and “B” there are 10 members each and in Cateogary “C” 20 members, who are elected by the IMO Assembly. IMO Council plays a crucial role to play in deciding various important matters within the mandate of the IMO, in relation to the global shipping industry, including its work programme strategy and budget.
Unlike in the past where India was re-elected to the IMO Council un-opposed, this time, for the 10 seats under Category “B” two new entrants, i.e. UAE, a non-member of the IMO Council so far and Australia, presently a member of the IMO Council under Category “C” had filed their nomination and this had necessitated holding of the election. India, however, emerged a winner in the keenly contested election.
The 30th Session of the IMO Assembly is being held at IMO Headquarters London from 27 November to 06 December, 2017. The Assembly session is being attended by a high level Indian delegation led by Shri Nitin Gadkari, Minister of Shipping, Road Transport & Highways, Water Resources, River Development and Ganga Rejuvenation, Shri Gopal Krishna, Secretary (Shipping), Shri Amitabh Kumar, Additional Director General of Shipping, Capt. Jayakumar, Deputy Nautical Advisor, Directorate General of Shipping and representative of the Indian Register of Shipping.
India has a large merchant marine fleet of 1359 vessels, both on foreign going and coastal operations, with a combined Gross Tonnage of 12.2 million. Nearly 90% of India’s overseas trade by volume is carried through maritime transport. Nearly 92% of these goods are carried through foreign flag vessels. With the Indian economy poised to grow at a faster pace, there exist more opportunities for both the Indian and foreign flag vessels, to carry large volumes of goods, to and from the Indian coasts. India has a strong contingent of more than 145,000 active seafarers who continue to be the preferred choice for specialized vessels.
India has been one of the earliest members of the IMO, having ratified its Convention and joined it as a member-state in the year 1959. India has had the privilege of being elected to and serving the Council of the IMO, ever since it started functioning, and till date, except for two years for the period 1983-1984.
India is a party to 34 IMO Conventions and protocols and is currently in the advanced stage of ratifying Ballast Water Convention and Bunker Convention. India has already deposited with the ILO, instrument of ratification of the Seafarers’ Identity Documents Convention (revised), 2003 and Maritime Labour Convention, 2006.
India continues to provide services of its expert manpower to the IMO, as and when required. The IMO’s panel of auditors for the Voluntary IMO Member State Audit Scheme (VIMSAS) and Goal Based Standards (CBS) has a number of auditors from India. A number of domain experts also participate in the meetings of working groups constituted by IMO Committees.
With re-election in IMO, India will continue to engage with the international maritime community to further her maritime interests and promote the welfare of her citizens.

Human Development Profile of the Indian States

Human Development Profile of the Indian States
Kerala continues to remain at the top
Among the 17 major states of India, Kerala continues to remain at the top of human development rankings (see Chart 1). The southern state retains its top ranking compared with a 2007-08 HDI constructed by the National Institute of Labour Economics Research and Development (earlier known as the Institute of Applied Manpower Research), an arm of the NITI Aayog.
The Human Development Report (HDR) published annually by UNDP has defined development as a process of widening people’s choices. Identifying three critical choices, viz., to have access to income and assets needed for a decent standard of living, to acquire knowledge, and to lead a long and healthy life, the HDR proposes a composite index- the Human Development Index (HDI) which combines the critical indicators in some way. The index has been used in ranking the countries according to this new paradigm of development.
The HDI, though superior to the traditional aggregate indices like GDP, is also an aggregate index failing to reveal disparities among population subgroups. It is thus, not useful for policy prescriptions for raising level of human development. Human development should from an integral part of the overall development plan to ensure successful translation of economic growth into improved quality and content of human life. A prerequisite to identification of the range of social concerns and fixation of goals and priorities for human development strategy is a detailed Human Development profile (HDP). The profile should address a broad range of national concerns relevant for the country depending on the current status of and deficiencies in various dimensions of human development. It should indicate the positions of various population subgroups in the human development ladder- who stands where, to make it easier to set long and short term goals, decide priorities and identify areas needing micro intervention.
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If Indian states were countries, they would rank between 104 and 163
The 17 major states of India, with their sizeable population and geographical area, are bigger than many countries in the world. If the 17 states were to be deemed as separate countries, then these would rank from 104 (Kerala) to 163 (Bihar), according to the scores in the latest UN report.
Thus, Kerala would be the only state classified by the UN to have high human development since it has a score greater than 0.7 (in a scale of 0-1). The remaining 16 would be classified as either medium or low human development
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Know everything about NITI AYOG: composition,function,and achievement. samveg ias

NITI Aayog: Objectives and Composition
The Government has replaced Planning Commission with a new institution named NITI Aayog (National Institution for Transforming India). A cabinet Resolution issued today gave details of the new institutions. The institutional framework of government has developed and matured over the years. This has allowed the development of domain expertise which allows us the chance to increase the specificity of functions given to institutions. Specific to the planning process, there is a need to separate as well as energize the distinct ‘process’ of governance from the ‘strategy’ of governance.
In the context of governance structures, the changed requirements of our country, point to the need for setting up an institution that serves as a Think Tank of the government – a directional and policy dynamo. The proposed institution has to provide governments at the central and state levels with relevant strategic and technical advice across the spectrum of key elements of policy. This includes matters of national and international import on the economic front, dissemination of best practices from within the country as well as from other nations, the infusion of new policy ideas and specific issue-based support. The institution has to be able to respond to the changing and more integrated world that India is part of.
An important evolutionary change from the past will be replacing a centre-to-state one-way flow of policy by a genuine and continuing partnership with the states. The institution must have the necessary resources, knowledge, skills and, ability to act with speed to provide the strategic policy vision for the government as well as deal with contingent issues.
Perhaps most importantly, the institution must adhere to the tenet that while incorporating positive influences from the world, no single model can be transplanted from outside into the Indian scenario. We need to find our own strategy for growth. The new institution has to zero in on what will work in and for India. It will be a Bharatiya approach to development.
The institution to give life to these aspirations is the NITI Aayog (National Institution for Transforming India). This is being proposed after extensive consultation across the spectrum of stakeholders including inter alia state governments, domain experts and relevant institutions. The NITI Aayog will work towards the following objectives:

To evolve a shared vision of national development priorities, sectors and strategies with the active involvement of States in the light of national objectives. The vision of the NITI Aayog will then provide a framework ‘national agenda’ for the Prime Minister and the Chief Ministers to provide impetus to.

To foster cooperative federalism through structured support initiatives and mechanisms with the States on a continuous basis, recognizing that strong States make a strong nation.

To develop mechanisms to formulate credible plans at the village level and aggregate these progressively at higher levels of government.

To ensure, on areas that are specifically referred to it, that the interests of national security are incorporated in economic strategy and policy.

To pay special attention to the sections of our society that may be at risk of not benefitting adequately from economic progress.

To design strategic and long term policy and programme frameworks and initiatives, and monitor their progress and their efficacy. The lessons learnt through monitoring and feedback will be used for making innovative improvements, including necessary mid-course corrections.

To provide advice and encourage partnerships between key stakeholders and national and international like-minded Think Tanks, as well as educational and policy research institutions.

To create a knowledge, innovation and entrepreneurial support system through a collaborative community of national and international experts, practitioners and other partners.
To offer a platform for resolution of inter-sectoral and inter-departmental issues in order to accelerate the implementation of the development agenda.

To maintain a state-of-the-art Resource Centre, be a repository of research on good governance and best practices in sustainable and equitable development as well as help their dissemination to stake-holders.

To actively monitor and evaluate the implementation of programmes and initiatives, including the identification of the needed resources so as to strengthen the probability of success and scope of delivery.

To focus on technology upgradation and capacity building for implementation of programmes and initiatives.

To undertake other activities as may be necessary in order to further the execution of the national development agenda, and the objectives mentioned above.

The NITI Aayog will comprise the following:

Prime Minister of India as the Chairperson

Governing Council comprising the Chief Ministers of all the States and Lt. Governors of Union Territories

Regional Councils will be formed to address specific issues and contingencies impacting more than one state or a region. These will be formed for a specified tenure. The Regional Councils will be convened by the Prime Minister and will comprise of the Chief Ministers of States and Lt. Governors of Union Territories in the region. These will be chaired by the Chairperson of the NITI Aayog or his nominee.

Experts, specialists and practitioners with relevant domain knowledge as special invitees nominated by the Prime Minister

The full-time organizational framework will comprise of, in addition to the Prime Minister as the Chairperson:

i. Vice-Chairperson: To be appointed by the Prime Minister
ii. Members: Full-time
iii. Part-time members: Maximum of 2 from leading universities research organizations and other relevant institutions in an ex-officio capacity. Part time members will be on a rotational basis.
iv. Ex Officio members: Maximum of 4 members of the Union Council of Ministers to be nominated by the Prime Minister.
v. Chief Executive Officer : To be appointed by the Prime Minister for a fixed tenure, in the rank of Secretary to the Government of India.
vi. Secretariat as deemed necessary.
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...................................................COMPOSITION OF NITI AYOG
Designation Name
Chairperson Shri Narendra Modi (link is external)
Vice Chairperson Dr. Rajiv Kumar
Full-Time Member Prof. Ramesh Chand
Full-Time Member Profile - Shri V.K. Saraswat
Full-Time Member Profile - Shri Bibek Debroy
Full-Time Member Profile - Dr. V.K. Paul
Chief Executive Officer Shri Amitabh Kant
The National Institution for Transforming India, also called NITI Aayog, was formed via a resolution of the Union Cabinet on January 1, 2015. NITI Aayog is the premier policy ‘Think Tank’ of the Government of India, providing both directional and policy inputs. While designing strategic and long term policies and programmes for the Government of India, NITI Aayog also provides relevant technical advice to the Centre and States.
The Government of India, in keeping with its reform agenda, constituted the NITI Aayog to replace the Planning Commission instituted in 1950. This was done in order to better serve the needs and aspirations of the people of India. An important evolutionary change from the past, NITI Aayog acts as the quintessential platform of the Government of India to bring States to act together in national interest, and thereby fosters Cooperative Federalism.
At the core of NITI Aayog’s creation are two hubs – Team India Hub and the Knowledge and Innovation Hub. The Team India Hub leads the engagement of states with the Central government, while the Knowledge and Innovation Hub builds NITI’s think-tank capabilities. These hubs reflect the two key tasks of the Aayog.
NITI Aayog is also developing itself as a State of the Art Resource Centre, with the necessary resources, knowledge and skills, that will enable it to act with speed, promote research and innovation, provide strategic policy vision for the government, and deal with contingent issues.
,,,,,,,,,,,,,,,,,,,,,,,,,,,,,,,,,,,,,,,,,,,,,,,,,,,,,,,,,,,,,,,,Significant Achievements of NITI Aayog over the last three years.
I. Vision Document, Strategy & Action Agenda beyond 12th Five Year Plan: Replacing the Five Year Plans beyond 31st March, 2017, NITI Aayog is in the process of preparing the 15-year vision document keeping in view the social goals set and/ or proposed for a period of 15 years; A 7-year strategy document spanning 2017-18 to 2023-24 to convert the longer-term vision into implementable policy and action as a part of a “National Development Agenda” is also being worked upon. The 3-year Action Agenda for 2017-18 to 2019-20, aligned to the predictability of financial resources during the 14th Finance Commission Award period, has been completed and will be submitted before the Prime Minister on April 23rd at the 3rd Governing Council Meeting
II. Reforms in Agriculture:
a. Model Land Leasing Law
Taking note of increasing incidents of leasing in and out of land and suboptimal use of land with lesser number of cultivators, NITI Aayog has formulated a Model Agricultural Land Leasing Act, 2016 to both recognize the rights of the tenant and safeguard interest of landowners. A dedicated cell for land reforms was also set up in NITI. Based on the model act, Madhya Pradesh has enacted separate land leasing law and Uttar Pradesh and Uttarakhand have modified their land leasing laws. Some States, including Odisha, Andhra Pradesh and Telangana, are already at an advance stage of formulating legislations to enact their land leasing laws for agriculture.
b. Reforms of the Agricultural Produce Marketing Committee Act
NITI Aayog consulted with the States on 21 October 2016 on three critical reforms –
(i) Agricultural marketing reforms
(ii) Felling and transit laws for tree produce grown at private land
(iii) Agricultural land leasing

Subsequently, Model APMC Act version 2 prepared. States are being consulted to adopt APMC Act version 2.
c. Agricultural Marketing and Farmer Friendly Reforms Index
NITI Aayog has developed the first ever ‘Agriculture Marketing and Farmer Friendly Reforms Index’ to sensitise states about the need to undertake reforms in the three key areas of Agriculture Market Reforms, Land Lease Reforms and Forestry on Private Land (Felling and Transit of Trees). The index carries a score with a minimum value “0” implying no reforms and maximum value “100” implying complete reforms in the selected areas.
As per NITI Aayog’s index, Maharashtra ranks highest in implementation of various agricultural reforms. The State has implemented most of the marketing reforms and offers the best environment for undertaking agri-business among all the States and UTs. Gujarat ranks second with a score of 71.50 out of 100, closely followed by Rajasthan and Madhya Pradesh. Almost two third States have not been able to reach even the halfway mark of reforms score, in the year 2016-17. The index aims to induce a healthy competition between States and percolate best practices in implementing farmer-friendly reforms.

III. Reforming Medical Education
A committee chaired by Vice Chairman, NITI Aayog recommended scrapping of the Medical Council of Indi and suggested a new body for regulating medical education. The draft legislation for the proposed National Medical Commission has been submitted to the Government for further necessary action.
IV. Digital Payments Movement:

a. An action plan on advocacy, awareness and co-ordination of handholding efforts among general public, micro enterprises and other stakeholders was prepared. Appropriate literature in print and multimedia was prepared on the subject for widespread dissemination. Presentations/ interactions were organized by NITI Aayog for training and capacity building of various Ministries/Departments of Government of India, representatives of State/UTs, Trade and Industry Bodies as well as all other stakeholders.
b. NITI Aayog also constituted a Committee of Chief Ministers on Digital Payments on 30th November 2016 with the Chief Minister of Andhra Pradesh, Chandrababu Naidu, as the Convener to promote transparency, financial inclusion and a healthy financial ecosystem nationwide. The Committee submitted its interim report to Hon’ble Prime Minister in January 2017.
c. To incentivize the States/UTs for promotion of digital transactions, Central assistance of Rs. 50 crore would be provided to the districts for undertaking Information, Education and Communication activities to bring 5 crore Jan Dhan accounts to digital platform.
d. Cashback and referral bonus schemes were launched by the Prime Minister on 14.4.2017 to promote the use of digital payments through the BHIM App.
e. Niti Aayog also launched two incentive schemes to to promote digital payments across all sections of society - the Lucky Grahak Yojana and the Digi Dhan Vyapar Yojana –Over 16 lakh consumers and merchants have won Rs. 256 crore under these two schemes .
f. Digi Dhan Melas were also held for 100 days in 100 cities, from December 25th to April 14th.

V. Atal Innovation Mission: The Government has set up Atal Innovation Mission (AIM) in NITI Aayog with a view to strengthen the country’s innovation and entrepreneurship ecosystem by creating institutions and programs that spur innovation in schools, colleges, and entrepreneurs in general. In 2016-17, the following major schemes were rolled out:
a. Atal Tinkering Labs (ATLs): To foster creativity and scientific temper in students, AIM is helping to establish 500 ATLs in schools across India, where students can design and make small prototypes to solve challenges they see around them, using rapid prototyping technologies that have emerged in recent years.
b. Atal Incubation Centres (AICs): AIM will provide financial support of Rs.10 crore and capacity buidling for setting AICs across India, which will help startups expand quicker and enable innovation-entrepreneurship, in core sectors such as manufacturing, transport, energy, education, agriculture, water and sanitation, etc.
VI. Indices Measuring States’ Performance in Health, Education and Water Management: As part of the Prime Minister’s Focus on outcomes, NITI has come out with indices to measure incremental annual outcomes in critical social sectors like health, education and water with a view to nudge the states into competing with each other for better outcomes, while at the same time sharing best practices & innovations to help each other - an example of competitive and cooperative federalism..

VII. Sub-Group of Chief Ministers on Rationalization of Centrally Sponsored Schemes: Based on the recommendations of this Sub-Group, a Cabinet note was prepared by NITI Aayog which was approved by the Cabinet on 3rd August, 2016. Among several key decision, the sub-group led to the rationalization of the existing CSSs into 28 umbrella schemes.

VIII. Sub-Group of Chief Ministers on Swachh Bharat Abhiyan:Constituted by NITI Aayog on 9th March, 2015, the Sub-Group has submitted its report to the Hon’ble Prime Minister in October, 2015 and most of its recommendations have been accepted.
IX. Sub-Group of Chief Ministers on Skill Development:Constituted on 9th March, 2015, the report of the Sub-Group of Chief Ministers on Skill Development was presented before the Hon’ble Prime Minister on 31/12/2015. The recommendation and actionable points emerging from the Report were approved by the Hon’ble Prime Minister and are in implementation by the Ministry of Skill Development
X. Task Force on Elimination of Poverty in India:Constituted on 16th March, 2015 under the Chairmanship of Dr. Arvind Panagariya, Vice Chairman, NITI Aayog, the report of the Task Force was finalized and submitted to the Prime Minister on 11th July, 2016.The report of the Task Force primarily focusses on issues of measurement of poverty and strategies to combat poverty. Regarding estimation of poverty, the report of the Task Force states that “a consensus in favour of either the Tendulkar or a higher poverty line did not emerge. Therefore, the Task Force has concluded that the matter be considered in greater depth by the country’s top experts on poverty before a final decision is made. Accordingly, it is recommended that an expert committee be set up to arrive at an informed decision on the level at which the poverty line should be set.” With respect to strategies to combat poverty, the Task Force has made recommendations on faster poverty reduction through employment intensive sustained rapid growth and effective implementation of anti-poverty programs.

XI. Task Force on Agriculture Development: The Task Force on Agricultural development was constituted on 16th March, 2015 under the Chairmanship of Dr. Arvind Panagariya, Vice Chairman, NITI Aayog. The Task Force based on its works prepared an occasional paper entitled “Raising Agricultural Productivity and Making Farming Remunerative for Farmers” focusing on 5 critical areas of Indian Agriculture. These are (i) Raising Productivity, (ii) Remunerative Prices to Farmers, (iii) Land Leasing, Land Records & Land Titles; (iv) Second Green Revolution-Focus on Eastern States; and (v) Responding to Farmers’ Distress. After taking inputs of all the States on occasional paper and through their reports, the Task Force submitted the final report to Prime Minister on 31st May, 2016. It has suggested important policy measures to bring in reforms in agriculture for the welfare of the farmers as well as enhancing their income.

XII. Transforming India Lecture Series:As the government’s premier think-tank, NITI Aayog views knowledge building & transfer as the enabler of real transformation in States. To build knowledge systems for States and the Centre, NITI Aayog launched the ‘NITI Lectures: Transforming India’ series, with full support of the Prime Minister on 26th August 2016. The lecture series is aimed at addressing the top policy making team of the Government of India, including members of the cabinet and several top layers of the bureaucracy. It aims is to bring cutting edge ideas in development policy to Indian policy makers and public, so as to promote the cause of transformation of India into a prosperous modern economy. The Deputy Prime Minister of Singapore, Shri Tharman Shanmugaratnam, delivered the first lecture on the topic: India and the Global Economy. On November 16th, 2016, Bill Gates, Co-Founder, Bill and Melinda Gates Foundation, delivered the second lecture in the series under the theme: 'Technology and Transformation'.


NITI Aayog's 15 year Vision, 7 year Strategy, and 3 year Action Agenda will reflect in benefits to all States
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25 November 2017

Saving child brides — on SC ruling on sex with minor wife

Saving child brides — on SC ruling on sex with minor wife
Not the reasoning but the implications of the ruling on child marriage are a cause for worry
By ruling that marriage cannot be a licence to have sex with a minor girl, the Supreme Court has corrected an anomaly in the country’s criminal law. Under the Indian Penal Code, it is an offence to have sex with a girl below 18 years of age, regardless of consent. However, it made an exception if the girl was the man’s wife, provided she was not below 15. In other words, what was statutory rape is treated as permissible within a marriage. By reading down the exception to limit it to girls aged 18 and older, the court has sought to harmonise the various laws in which any person under 18 is a minor. Overall, the judgment is in keeping with the reformist, and indisputably correct, view that early marriage is a serious infringement of child rights. The judges draw extensively on studies that demonstrate child marriage is a social evil that adversely affects the physical and mental health of children, denies them opportunities for education and self-advancement, infringes on their bodily autonomy and deprives them of any role in deciding on many aspects of their lives.
As a move to strengthen the fight against child marriage and help stricter enforcement of the Prohibition of Child Marriage Act, 2006, the judgment cannot be faulted. But the practical implications of the judgment are worrying. Are all men married to girls between the ages of 15 and 18 to be condemned to face criminal cases as rapists? Given the prevalence of child marriage in this country, it is doubtful whether it is possible — or even desirable — to implement the statutory rape law uniformly in the context of marriages. What, for instance, does this mean for those married under Muslim personal law, which permits girls below 18 to be married? The age of consent under the IPC was raised in 2013 from 16 to 18 to bring it in line with the Protection of Children from Sexual Offences Act, 2012. However, the age above which marriage is an exception to rape was retained at 15, as fixed in 1940. POCSO criminalises even consensual teenage sexual activity and the latest ruling has brought this into the domain of marriage. A teenager could be prosecuted for a sexual offence under POCSO even if he was just a little above 18. In the same way, a teenage husband may now be threatened with prosecution for rape. Significantly, if boys under 18 but over 16 are charged with penetrative sexual assault under POCSO or rape under the IPC, which can be termed ‘heinous offences’, they could face the prospect of being tried as adults, according to the juvenile law as it stands now. Treating all below 18 as children may be good for their care and protection, but whether 18 is the right age for consent in this day and age remains a moot question. The state’s argument that given the widespread prevalence of child marriage it is not possible to remove the exception may be flawed from a formal standpoint, but its concerns about the implications of the verdict must not be underestimated.

Towards transparency — on judicial appointments

Towards transparency — on judicial appointments
Supreme Court collegium’s decision to disclose the reasons for its recommendations marks a historic and welcome departure from the entrenched culture of secrecy surrounding judicial appointments. The collegium, comprising the Chief Justice of India and four senior judges, has said it would indicate the reasons behind decisions on the initial appointment of candidates to High Court benches, their confirmation as permanent judges and elevation as High Court Chief Justices and to the Supreme Court, and transfer of judges and Chief Justices from one High Court to another. This means there will now be some material available in the public domain to indicate why additional judges are confirmed and why judges are transferred or elevated. A certain degree of discreetness is necessary and inevitable as in many cases the reasons will pertain to sitting judges. At the same time, it would become meaningless if these disclosures fail to provide a window of understanding into the mind of the collegium. It is important to strike the right balance between full disclosure and opaqueness. The collegium has suggested as much, albeit obliquely, when it says the resolution was intended “to ensure transparency, yet maintain confidentiality in the Collegium system”. It is to be hoped that this balancing of transparency and confidentiality will augur well for the judiciary. The introduction of transparency acquires salience in the light of the resignation of Justice Jayant M. Patel of the Karnataka High Court after he was transferred to the Allahabad High Court as a puisne judge, despite his being senior enough to be a High Court Chief Justice.
Going by the decisions disclosed so far with regard to the elevation of district judges, it is clear that quality of judgments, the opinion of Supreme Court judges conversant with the affairs of the high court concerned, and reports of the Intelligence Bureau together form the basis of an initial appointment being recommended. While district judges of sufficient seniority and in the relevant age group are readily available for consideration, there may be some unease about how certain advocates and not others come to be considered. Given the perception that family members and former colleagues of judges are more likely to be appointed high court judges, it is essential that a system to widen the zone of consideration is put in place. There are 387 vacancies in the various High Courts as on October 1. The mammoth task of filling these vacancies would be better served if a revised Memorandum of Procedure for appointments is agreed upon soon. A screening system, along with a permanent secretariat for the collegium, would be ideal for the task. The introduction of transparency should be backed by a continuous process of addressing perceived shortcomings. The present disclosure norm is a commendable beginning

Sister Nivedita: The offered one

Sister Nivedita: The offered one
On her 150th birth anniversary, a tribute to Sister Nivedita, the Irish educationist and Vivekananda disciple who became one of colonial India’s towering personalities
Born Margaret Elizabeth Noble, 150 years ago today, in Northern Ireland, the teacher, social worker and thinker who would come to be known throughout India as Sister Nivedita, loved and served the country in a manner few have. Noble was famously inspired after hearing Swami Vivekananda lecture in London, and at the age of 30 she decided to make India her home. Until her death, only 14 years later, she lived and worked among Indians.
Nivedita made a series of diverse contributions to the national project: women’s education and empowerment, helping foster a sense of Indian nationalism, reviving some art forms, promoting science, propagating civic virtues and working on humanitarian relief during epidemics and famines. She was a true champion of India, its finest minds, its achievements and its culture.
An inquiring mind
Noble came from a family of Wesleyan ministers. Her maternal grandfather was a respected member of the Irish national movement. Yet Noble’s early life was spent in considerable deprivation—she lost her father when she was only 10 years old, studying thereafter at a charitable boarding school in northern England. At 17, she began working as a teacher to take care of her mother and younger siblings. By 25, she had started her own school in Wimbledon. She acquired a reputation as an experimental educationist, influenced by ideas popular in continental Europe at the time, including those of Friedrich Froebel, father of the kindergarten concept. Her success brought her in touch with London’s intellectual crème de la crème, and in November 1895, in what proved to be a pivotal moment in her life, she was invited to a private gathering to hear a 32-year-old “Hindu yogi” who had acquired a considerable reputation in America in the preceding two years.
At the gathering, Swami Vivekananda’s words seemed to speak directly to Noble’s own beliefs about the best in human nature. His words were a call to action: to serve suffering humanity, to sacrifice one’s life for the good of others, this was what the Earth’s best and bravest were born for. Vivekananda recognized that Noble could be of huge assistance in his efforts to uplift Indian women. Noble knew she had found her true calling.
She recounted later: “I had recognized the heroic fibre of the man, and desired to make myself the servant of his love for his own people. But it was his character to which I had thus done obeisance.
The citizen ideal
Noble arrived in India in January 1898. For nine months, she received intensive training from Vivekananda, who opened the magical maze of India to her. In March that year, Noble received diksha (initiation) into a life of spirituality and service. She was given the name Nivedita—“the offered one”. They, along with a few others, also undertook a five-month journey across the northern and western parts of the country, during which Vivekananda spoke on religion, history, geography and ethnology. In India, she found her soul’s home and destiny.
Nivedita noted that her mentor was fascinated with every phase of India’s long history, and with all the diverse elements that were interwoven in its tapestry. In The Master As I Saw Him, she wrote of her guru:
“In these talks of his, the heroism of the Rajput, the faith of the Sikh, the courage of the Mahratta, the devotion of the saints, and the purity and steadfastness of noble women, all lived again. Nor would he permit that the Mohammedan should be passed over. Humayoon, Sher Shah, Akbar, Shah Jehan, each of these, and a hundred more, found a day and a place in his bead-roll of glistening names.”
After this initial phase of learning and exposure, Nivedita settled in the Bengali neighbourhood of Baghbazar in north Calcutta (now Kolkata), an area Europeans hardly ventured into. In November, still in her first year in the country, she started a school at her home, 16, Bosepara Lane, for girls from orthodox families, where child marriage was widespread and girls were hardly educated. She believed that education for Indian girls should combine traditional Indian values—epitomized by the “family ideal”—and the development of a world view through the study of history, geography, and science (she considered these subjects to be the foundation of modern education), forming the core of the “citizen ideal”.
As time passed, Nivedita increasingly felt that Vivekananda’s teachings were so vast and sweeping that she needed a definite reference point in order to put them into action. Nivedita realized that India’s regeneration most urgently required the self-awareness of being one nation, the desire to take control of her own destiny by freeing herself from foreign rule.
Man-making to nation-building
Vivekananda died in 1902. As Nivedita thought about the future direction of her work, she decided to translate Vivekananda’s concept of “man-making” into “nation-building”. She began channelling her efforts into introducing a conception of “nationality” (the term she used) to India, instilling it in the hearts and minds of people. Her definition of nationality meant people would feel for this land as their spiritual home, identifying with it, making it an essential part of the citizen’s self-concept, an extension of the self. To her, this was the highest form of nationality, one that did not rely merely on the political view of the nation based on the citizen-state dynamic.
Nivedita wrote profusely on Indian nationhood. She argued that India was a synthesis, and that the story of its analysed fragments, racial, lingual, or political, could never be the story of India. She believed the British were quick to understand the underlying unity of the country and used this knowledge to place it under a common administration, relentlessly attacking the idea that it was the British colonials who had united India. In a lecture given in December 1902 in Madras (now Chennai), she wrote: “If India had no unity herself, no unity could be given to her. The unity which undoubtedly belonged to India was self-born and had its own destiny, its own functions and its own vast powers; but it was the gift of no one.”
She plunged into a whirlwind of activity, contributing towards myriad aspects of national awakening. Nivedita’s Baghbazar quarters became a rendezvous of sorts for eminent Indians of the time, such as Rabindranath Tagore, Jagadish Chandra Bose, Gopal Krishna Gokhale and Aurobindo Ghosh. Her young admirers included revolutionaries as well as budding artists and intellectuals. Though she was not much in agreement with the mild petitionary methods of the Moderates, she maintained close friendships with nationalist workers across the spectrum. To meet her, in Gokhale’s words, was “like coming in contact with some great force of nature”. The great Tamil nationalist poet Subramania Bharati, who met Nivedita only once, considered her his guru, writing that she “showed me the form of Bharat Mata in its completeness and taught me to love my country.” She also imprinted on his mind the ideals of conjugality and womanhood, which helped Bharati become a champion of women’s empowerment in his later years.
In 1905, the cataclysmic partition of Bengal galvanized the national consciousness. Through her writing and lectures, Nivedita gave full support to the swadeshi campaign, urging people to go all out in swadeshi-sadhana. She was one of the first practitioners of the idea of worship of the nation as mother. Following the Bengal partition, when the government prohibited the singing or chanting of Bande Mataram, Nivedita continued it as part of her school’s daily routine. She passionately advocated the idea of worshipping the nation-mother. She held Hindus and Muslims to be children of the same Mother, and in her writings and speeches, exhorted them to together create the Indian nation of the future.
She was possibly the first person to have conceived and designed an emblem and a flag for the Indian nation, way back in 1905. She chose the vajra (thunderbolt). Nivedita’s design of two crossed vajras was meant to signify the coordinated and selfless actions of multiple individuals, acting in effect as one national organism. Nivedita had this design embroidered by the girls of her Calcutta school and it was displayed at an exhibition organized by the Indian National Congress in 1906 in Calcutta. Eminent Indians like J.C. Bose (who later made it the emblem of his Bose Institute in Calcutta) started using it, and this idea was also later reflected in the design of India’s highest military decoration, the Param Vir Chakra.
Art, science and literature
Nivedita was a great champion of the Tata Institute, which would later become the Indian Institute of Science, in Bengaluru. She wrote about it extensively in the Indian as well as English press, meeting high officials and rallying the support of some of the world’s best minds when the British government, under Lord Curzon, scuttled J.N. Tata’s proposal of founding a research institute of science and humanities in India. But her more direct contribution was to the career of the pioneering Indian scientist J.C. Bose. She helped him for more than a decade, organizing a steady stream of funds for research, editing and assisting him in the writing of four important books that took his explorations to a world audience, at a time when he faced serious discrimination from the British scientific establishment.
Nivedita played a crucial role in inspiring Indian artists to rediscover the roots of their own artistic traditions at a time when their practice was largely informed by the traditions of the West. In this, her efforts, along with those of E.B. Havell (principal of the Government School of Art in Calcutta) and Abanindranath Tagore, that led to the flourishing of what came to be known as the Bengal School of Art. A new generation of young painters grew, and some of the best-known today, like Nandalal Bose, were particularly inspired by her. Nivedita was at the forefront of the movement attacking the then prevalent Western claim that Hellenic art had inspired Indian art, and that there were no real Indian artistic traditions before that.
Nivedita was a prolific writer who published more than half a dozen books in her short lifetime, on themes of Indian history, Indian womanhood, education, nationhood, art and mythology. She also published an astute study of Vivekananda, several booklets, and scores of articles in the Indian as well as British press. This writing, now available in five volumes titled The Complete Works Of Sister Nivedita, is a rare insight into her brilliant mind.
Nivedita’s work as a humanitarian was also remarkable. She put her own life in significant peril on several occasions of great calamity, such as during the plague outbreak in Calcutta in 1899 and the great East Bengal famine of 1906. After her stint in the famine-struck countryside of East Bengal, she contracted a severe form of malaria; it took her months to recover. The malaria impaired her health, eventually leading to her premature death. Rabindranath Tagore, who had seen her from close quarters and “felt her tremendous power”, referred to her as “Loka-Mata” (Mother of the People).
Like Vivekananda, who died at the young age of 39, Nivedita too exhausted herself. She died in Darjeeling on 13 October 1911, a fortnight before she would have completed 44 years. “Drunk with India”, as a friend described her, she was known to repeat “Bharatavarsha” on her rosary beads. She had once written: “My life is given to India. In it I shall live and die.” Her guru had set her course with the blessing: “Be thou to India’s future son, the mistress, servant, friend in one.” Nivedita spent her whole life as an attestation, as it were, of the trust Vivekananda had reposed in her.

India falls to 108 on World Economic Forum’s gender gap index

India falls to 108 on World Economic Forum’s gender gap index
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The World Economic Forum’s Global Gender Gap report says at current rates, it will take 100 years before women achieve equality in the four areas measured by it
If it seems women’s progress has stalled lately, new data from the World Economic Forum puts a finer point on it: The gap between the achievements and well-being of men and women widened in the past year, the first time that’s happened in the 11 years that the group has issued its annual Global Gender Gap Report.
At current rates, it will take 100 years before women achieve equality in the four areas measured by the WEF: political empowerment, economic participation, health and education. When the Geneva-based group did its study last year, it estimated it would take 83 years to close the gap.
“It was a disappointing year,” said Saadia Zahidi, head of education, gender and work at the WEF. The global backsliding reflects a general slowing of progress in the world’s larger economies.
The US fell to 49th among the 144 countries ranked, down from 45th last year and 23rd just 11 years ago. The country is only 77% of the way to gender parity in economic opportunity, a gap that’s been narrowing, but not as quickly as in other countries.
Political imbalance
In politics, women make up less than 20% of Congress and just 17% of President Donald Trump’s cabinet, an imbalance that the WEF says puts the country just 12% of the way to political equality. Women in the US do find parity with men in educational attainment and get close on metrics of health and survival.
India, which sank to No. 108 overall, down 10 places from 2006, was the reverse of the US, with high rankings for women’s political empowerment but near the bottom in health, education and economic participation. Economics is a particular area of concern, Zahidi said, because women do a disproportionate amount of unpaid work, like childcare.
Ranked 100 overall, China was No. 144—dead last—for gender parity when it came to women’s health. One metric was life expectancy: Chinese women outlive men by less than two years on average, compared with a global average of five years. While about 70 percent of Chinese women participate in the work force, they earn only 64% of men’s wages.
Progress signs
The news isn’t all bleak: Countries at the top of the list are continuing to make progress. Women in No. 1 ranked Iceland, for instance, may soon be equal to men in their contribution to the national economy. “That’s a message the world needs to absorb,” Zahidi said. She also cited governments in France and Canada for naming gender-balanced cabinets recently.
The WEF collaborated with LinkedIn to delve more deeply into economic data in selected countries, with a focus on gender imbalance by industry. It found that while women’s numbers have increased in most industries, they are not at parity in leadership in any of them—even in fields such as education, where women make up the majority of employees.
In fact, hiring of women hasn’t increased along with the number of women earning appropriate degrees in areas such as information technology and manufacturing. A large proportion of women are choosing not to go into those fields, Zahidi said, adding that retention of the women who do go into a field is also an issue.
“Gender equality has to be looked at in a holistic way,” Zahidi said. “Just making progress in one area isn’t enough.

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What is the gender gap (and why is it getting wider)?
The world is being deprived of a huge untapped resource.
So says Klaus Schwab, Founder and Executive Chairman of the World Economic Forum, at the launch of its Global Gender Gap Report 2017.
And despite the slow but steady progress made towards gender equality over the past decade, 2017 was not a success.
In fact, the gap between men and women across health, education, politics and economics widened for the first time since records began in 2006.
“Overcoming the biases – unseen or otherwise – that are keeping us from closing the gender gap represents an overwhelming economic as well as moral imperative,” Professor Schwab said.
What is the gender gap?
Image: WEF Global Gender Gap Index
The gender gap is the difference between women and men as reflected in social, political, intellectual, cultural, or economic attainments or attitudes.
The Global Gender Gap Index aims to measure this gap in four key areas: health, education, economics and politics.
So the gap in economics, for example, is the difference between men and women when it comes to salaries, the number of leaders and participation in the workplace.
Since the report measures these differences irrespective of overall income levels, some relatively poor countries can perform well on the index.
Both Rwanda and Nicaragua are found in the top 10, for example, showing how these countries distribute their resources and opportunities relatively well.
But there is a notable absence of any of the world’s leading industrialized nations – the so-called G20 – within the top 10, showing that economic power is not necessarily a recipe for better equality between the sexes.
Iceland has been the world’s most gender-equal country for nine years, forming part of a trend for Nordic countries to perform especially well.
But Pakistan, Yemen, Iran, Saudi Arabia and Syria all landed in the bottom 10 out of the 144 countries scrutinized.
On average, the 144 countries in the report have nearly closed the gap in health outcomes and educational attainment.
But the gap is still wide open in political and economic participation.
Countries need to pay attention to the gender gap not only because such inequality is inherently unfair.
But also because numerous studies suggest greater gender equality leads to better economic performance.
The report quotes recent estimates that suggest economic gender parity could add an additional $250 billion to the GDP of the UK, $1,750 billion to that of the US and $2.5 trillion to China’s GDP.
At the current rate of progress the overall global gender gap will take a hundred years to close, while the gap in the workplace will now not be closed for 217 years.
It is a gap the world can’t afford to ignore

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Supreme Court for special courts to deal with criminal cases against politicians

Supreme Court for special courts to deal with criminal cases against politicians
Supreme Court seeks details of 1,581 cases involving MPs and MLAs as declared by the politicians at the time of filing their nominations for the 2014 elections
Taking a step towards electoral reforms, the Supreme Court on Wednesday favoured setting up special courts to deal with criminal cases against politicians. The court also asked the Union government about the 1,581 cases involving Members of Parliament (MPs) and Members of Legislative Assembly (MLAs) as declared by the politicians at the time of filing their nominations for the 2014 elections.
The Supreme Court asked the government to give details of how many cases have been disposed of within one year as per its directions in 2014. Describing the move as being in the interest of the nation, the apex court also asked the government about details of how many of these 1,581 cases have ended in conviction or acquittal of the accused.
The court further asked the government about the criminal cases filed against politicians and legislators from 2014 till date as well as the data on disposal of these matters.
A bench comprising justices Ranjan Gogoi and Navin Sinha made the remarks after the centre said decriminalisation of politics has to be done and it was not averse to setting up of special courts to deal with cases involving politicians and expeditious disposal of these matters.
According to a PTI report, additional solicitor general (ASG) Atmaram Nadkarni, representing the centre, told the bench that the government was “not averse to setting up of special courts and quick and early disposal of criminal cases involving politicians”. He said that recommendations of the Election Commission of India (ECI) and the Law Commission favouring life-time disqualification of politicians convicted in criminal cases was under “active consideration” of the Centre.
The SC also observed that the average number of cases each court in the country was dealing with currently was over 4,000 in subordinate judiciary, adding that unless a judicial official deals exclusively with cases involving politicians, it would be difficult to complete these trials within a year.
“We direct the competent authority of the Union of India to place before the court the following information: how many of 1581 cases involving MLAs and MPs (as declared at the time of filing of the nomination papers to the 2014 elections) have been disposed of within the time frame of one year as envisaged by this Court by order dated 10th March, 2014.... How many of these cases which have been finally decided have ended in acquittal/conviction of MPs and MLAs...,” the bench said,

Dadabhai Naoroji: The ‘black man’ in Westminster

Dadabhai Naoroji: The ‘black man’ in Westminster
Dadabhai Naoroji, the first Indian elected to the House of Commons, lent his energies to causes as diverse as the women’s suffrage movement and Indian self-rule
Some days ago, members of parliament at Westminster in London organized a special meeting to honour the memory of the first Indian to have been elected to the House of Commons. It was not an open event, yet the queue outside wound around the building long enough for a café owner to step out and enquire what it was that had attracted so much enthusiasm. When I explained, he looked terribly interested himself in the proceedings and asked, “Oh, is the MP upstairs?” Alas, I had to tell him, the man we were celebrating had died 100 years before, which meant he fell in a very different category of “upstairs”. And he had died not in London, where he once represented his voters, but far away in Mumbai, in one of the seven houses that lend the suburb of Saat Bangla in Versova its picturesque name. The café manager looked vaguely sheepish while the rest of us made our way into the building, walking past V.R. Rao’s portrait of the man we were there to commemorate: Dadabhai Naoroji.
Naoroji was one of the founders of the Indian National Congress but he was also convinced that it was “in Parliament (in Britain) that our chief battle has to be fought”. And so, in 1886, he presented himself as a candidate in the general election. Despite endorsements from the likes of Florence Nightingale, he was demolished. Lord Salisbury, the Conservative prime minister, declared that the English were not prepared to have a “black man” as their representative, only to regret those words. For the consequence was that his statement was published in newspapers around the country and Naoroji became an object of massive interest overnight—including in discussions around precisely how “black” this pale-skinned man exactly was. By 1892, he had a real shot at winning, and the people of Finsbury Central did not disappoint—he carried the day with a dazzling majority of three. When his un-black rival demanded a recount, the tally went up; Naoroji had actually won not by three but by a margin of five votes. Delighted either way, he served not only as the voice of Finsbury Central in parliament but also as president of the local football club. And both in the House of Commons and outside, he lent his energies to causes as diverse as the women’s suffrage movement and, of course, Indian self-rule.
A number of people frowned. Some called him Dadabhai Narrow-Majority, which was only marginally better than “Mr Nowraggie”. But the old man didn’t mind. On the contrary, his shattering of the glass ceiling was conclusive enough for two more Indians to also enter the House of Commons in the coming years. He himself lost the next election in 1895, but made up for it by conveying his message in his seminal Poverty And UnBritish Rule In India, lambasting the Raj for its unashamed leeching of Indian wealth for British aggrandizement. The book was a milestone, and remains his most memorable intellectual contribution to the freedom struggle. And it did not surprise too many people that he had earned himself this distinction: When still in his teens at Elphinstone College (then, Institution) in Mumbai, Naoroji was labelled by a professor, a little sentimentally, “The Promise of India”. Personally, though, he didn’t let such things go to his head. “Prosperity has not elated me and I hope adversity will not (depress) me,” he wrote to a friend, “so long as I can feel I am living a life of duty.”
Naoroji was born in British Bombay in 1825 in modest circumstances. He was a bright student, and an 1845 effort to go to university in England was only thwarted because one of his sponsors feared this prodigy might be tempted to become a Christian. So Naoroji began to teach mathematics and natural philosophy at Elphinstone College, till in 1855 he became the first Indian to be appointed a professor at that institution. It was a short-lived career, for by now he had decided to go into commerce—he moved to England and eventually set up a cotton import business. Just to cement one foot firmly in the intellectual space in any case, he also accepted a professorship at University College London. His subject: Gujarati. In the course of time he would set up the still-thriving Zoroastrian Trust Funds of Europe, as well as the East India Association (which later merged with the Congress party), and emerge as one of the most distinguished ambassadors for India in the seat of empire.
Naoroji was also a most sympathetic interlocutor for Indians lost in this alien country. Many were the students who wrote to him for advice, and many too were the parents who frantically sought his assistance in preventing their beloved male offspring from getting ensnared by the fearsome, emancipated women of the West. In 1888, one young man wrote to him asking for guidance on life in England, “which shall be received as from a father to his child”. His name was Mohandas Gandhi, and many years later he would remember Naoroji as “the G.O.M.” (Grand Old Man) who made life easier for so many Indians with his sheer warmth and friendship. Indeed, Naoroji deserves much credit for going out of his way for others: Among the 30,000 documents that comprise his private papers, between notes sent by his plumber and an 1894 eye-glass prescription, are numerous letters in Gujarati, Marathi, even Persian and French, to strangers seeking his esteemed attention. That is, assuming everyone understood what he was saying, for, as a friend wrote with a hint of annoyance, “your handwriting is rather hard to read”.
By the time Naoroji died, aged 93, he had enjoyed a most fascinating career. This included a stint as chief minister to a maharaja of Baroda who was accused of trying to murder the British resident at court with arsenic and crushed diamonds; luckily, Naoroji had already resigned by the time of the scandal. He had run newspapers, participated in great public debates on India’s future, and, significantly, set on its eventful course the Congress party that would serve as the vehicle of Indian nationalism in the years to come. And so it was that when he died, among the richly deserved tributes paid was one reminding everybody that while the man himself had departed, the idea he stood for would be enshrined forever in the destiny of the country he loved.

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UKPCS2012 FINAL RESULT SAMVEG IAS DEHRADUN

    Heartfelt congratulations to all my dear student .this was outstanding performance .this was possible due to ...