In four days, we will know whether Scotland will vote for independence or to stay within the United Kingdom. It is a historic event. The entire debate has been conducted in a civilised manner. There has been little intimidation or violence except for trolls on Twitter and rotten eggs thrown occasionally.
The United Kingdom is not a federation, nor is it strictly a nation-state. It is a kingdom united under a single crown. Wales was conquered by the English in the 13th Century. When Elizabeth the First died, leaving no heirs, James, the King of the Scots, was invited to take over the throne of England.
In 1707, a union was negotiated between Scotland and England. By then, Ireland had also been conquered, so the United Kingdom of England and Wales, Scotland and Ireland was born. It remained one of the most centralised polities until the late 20th Century. But Scotland had a special status. It had its own law and courts, its education system and its Church which did not owe allegiance to the Anglican Church. The Scots became a vital part of the Empire and integrated in the Union while keeping their identity distinct.
It was the advent of Margaret Thatcher which caused the first rupture. Her party failed to win a single of the 60-odd seats in Scotland in 1987. To this was added the piloting of the poll tax (a community charge) in Scotland before its introduction in England. The poll tax was Mrs Thatcher’s nemesis. It brought her down but it also gave an impetus to the Scots to ask why should they be governed by a party which they had rejected. A popular debate began which then became the Scottish Convention. All UK political parties except the Conservatives joined it along with many from the civil society.
Scotland won devolution when Labour came to power in 1997. It had freedom to decide policy in education and health. It had its own separate spending limits since the mid-Seventies. Now it had limited power to change the tax rate. Devolution was to counter the Scottish nationalist movement. Scotland was given its own Parliament. Soon, Wales followed and Northern Ireland as well. The UK became a model for devolution for the rest of Europe where there were regional nationalisms — the Basques and the Catalans in Spain, for example.
Yet, as in many colonies, conceding limited demands did not satisfy the Scots. The Scottish Nationalist Party defeated Labour Party and came to power on its own. Alex Salmond, its populist leader, has run a campaign for independence from its initial hopelessnessto its current position of smelling victory. The Referendum was conceded by David Cameron as his party is still absent from Scotland. On Thursday, the vote will be cast. Until a fortnight ago, the No Vote, which meant staying in the Union, was leading by seven to ten points. Now it is neck and neck. If the outcome is a narrow margin in favour of No, the battle will not end. If it is narrowly for Yes, the game is over. A thousand-year history will be rewritten. Even so, it has been a unique experiment. A peaceful rupture between two nations long united though never so much as to lose their separate identities. It is an example for the world to follow. During the last 25 years, two large federations have broken up. The Soviet Union dissolved into separate nations. Yugoslavia, which many considered the ideal Socialist country, dissolved in an ethnic war with inhuman cruelties. In our neighbourhood, Bangladesh is one reminder and the tragedy of Sri Lanka’s civil war another that if you neglect a region or marginalise a community, unpleasant consequences follow. A nation survives as long as it is a union of the willing. The past is no more a guarantee of solidarity than a rosy future. The past is most often an issue of disagreement when differences become unbearable. Despite proclaiming the virtue of unity in diversity, India has to be on its guard. The central fissure has not been along religious lines. It has been regional, on the borders of India, be it the Northeast, Jammu and Kashmir, Punjab or even Tamil Nadu. Take nothing for granted.
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