17 August 2015

Rajiv Gandhi Khel Ratna 2015 and Arjuna Awards 2015


Rajiv Gandhi Khel Ratna 2015 and Arjuna Awards 2015

Rajiv Gandhi Khel Ratna and Arjuna Awards are given every year to recognize and reward excellence in sports. Rajiv Gandhi Khel Ratna Award is given for the spectacular and most outstanding performance in the field of sports by a sportsperson over a period of four years immediately preceding the year during which award is to be given.  Arjuna Award is given for consistently outstanding performance for four years preceding the year of award.   
           
A large number of nominations were received for these awards this year, which were considered by the Selection Committee headed by Mr. Justice V.K. Bali, former Chief Justice of Kerla High Court and consisting of eminent sportspersons and sports administrators. 
                                                     
Based on the recommendations of the Committee and after due scrutiny, the Government has approved to confer Rajiv Gandhi Khel Ratna and Arjuna Awards for 2015 upon the following sportspersons:

i)         Rajiv Gandhi Khel Ranta 2015

S. No.
Name of the sportsperson
Discipline
1
Ms. Sania Mirza
Tennis


(ii)        Arjuna Awards 2015

S. No.
Name of the sportsperson
Discipline
1
Naib Subedar Sandeep Kumar
Archery
2
Ms. M.R. Poovamma
Athletics
3
Mr. Kidambi Srikanth Nammalwar
Badminton
4
Mr. Mandeep Jangra
Boxing
5
Mr. Rohit Sharma
Cricket
6
Ms. Dipa Karmakar
Gymnastic
7
Mr. Sreejesh P.R.
Hockey
8
Mr. Manjeet Chhillar
Kabaddi
9
Ms. Abhilasha Shashikant Mhatre
Kabaddi
10
Mr. Sawarn Singh
Rowing
11
Mr. Anup Kumar Yama
Roller Skating
12
Mr. Jitu Rai
Shooting
13
Shri S. Sathish Kumar
Weightlifting
14
Mr. Bajrang
Wrestling
15
Ms. Babita Kumari
Wrestling
16
Ms. Yumnam Sanathoi Devi
Wushu
17
Mr. Sharath M. Gayakwad 
Para-Swimming


The awardees will receive their awards from the President of India at a specially organized function at the Rashtrapati Bhawan on August 29, 2015. 
           
Rajiv Gandhi Khel Ratna Awardee will receive medal, certificate and award money of Rs. 7.5 lakh and Arjuna Awardees will receive statuettes, certificates and award money of Rs.5 lakh each. 
           

“India’s Strategy for Economic Integration with CLMV”


Commerce Secretary Ms. Rita Teaotia Launches Report on “India’s Strategy for Economic Integration with CLMV”
‘India’s Strategy for Economic Integration with CLMV’, a Report brought out by the Ministry of Commerce and Industry, Government of India, provides a rationale for establishing commercial and economic linkages between India and the Cambodia, Laos, Myanmar and Vietnam (CLMV) region. Prime factors that make economic cooperation between India and CLMV plausible include geographical proximity, economic dynamism, and cheap labour cost in CLMV, among others.

The Commerce Secretary Ms. Rita Teaotia, launched a Report of the Ministry at an event organized by the Research and Information System for Developing Countries (RIS) here in New Delhi on Friday, unveiling a strategy of India towards the CLMV region. The session was chaired by Ambassador Shyam Saran, Chairman, RIS and former Foreign Secretary to Government of India.

The ASEAN region is characterized by the presence of strong production networks and Regional Value Chains (RVCs). While India’s participation in regional value chains (RVCs) has remained low, RVCs are also not well developed in CLMV too, as compared to the rest of ASEAN. Considering that RVCs have emerged as important vehicles for regional economic integration, they need to be facilitated with adequate and integrated policy responses. This is important for achieving developmental objectives such as employment generation, poverty alleviation and improvement in quality of life.

It is in this context that the Ministry’s Report, prepared by Ram Upendra Das, an economist and professor at RIS, presents an analytical and empirical basis for India’s economic integration with the CLMV. It argues for adopting an integrated approach towards trade in goods, services, investment and skills while identifying sectors with untapped potential complementarities.

The current level of economic linkages between India and CLMV, both in trade and FDI, are weak. Some major challenges confronting India-CLMV economic relations include information gap, communication gap, skill unavailability, banking constraints and integrating SMEs in RVCs.

  There are several sectors in CLMV that the report has identified as focus sectors from the view-point of taking advantages of synergies across, manufacturing, trade and investment. These include agro-processing, oil and gas, pharmaceuticals, wood and timber, light engineering, garments, automobiles, education, IT, SMEs, tourism and skill development. The Report finds that one of the important ways of utilising the CLMV’s economic space is by setting up manufacturing units in the region. This will help in accessing the Chinese markets through exports originating from CLMV under the China-AEAN FTA. Additional export expansion to the tune of US$ 100 billion is feasible, which in turn can address the trade deficit of India with China, as estimated in the Report.

One of the major thrusts in the Report includes creating an India-CLMV convergence in the regional trade negotiations and alignment of India’s commercial interests with CLMV’s policy focus. The Report observes that one of the most important ingredients of setting up business is skill availability and there exists considerable skill complementarities between India and CLMV in terms of skill availability in India matched with unavailability in CLMV. It is also desirable to integrate the employment-intensive SMEs with regional value chains through India-CLMV integration and to facilitate this process there is a need to increase the presence of Indian banks there.

The Indian government has sought to promote investments by India Inc. in CLMV as recommended in the Report. In the Union Budget for 2015-16, Finance Minister Arun Jaitley stated that “the ‘Act East’ policy of the Government of India endeavours to cultivate extensive economic and strategic relations in Southeast Asia.” Work is in process for implementing the announcement. This is an important pointer towards effective operationalisation of India’s ‘Act East Policy’, as emphasized by Prime Minister Narendra Modi. 

13 August 2015

Weather Forecast Services

Weather Forecast Services
The Gramin Krishi Mausam Seva (GKMS) of Earth System Science Organization (ESSO)-India Meteorological Department (IMD) has been successful in providing the crop specific advisories to the farmers at the district level twice weekly through different media like print/visual/Radio/ IT based including short message service (SMS) and Integrated Voice Response System (IVRS) for a wider dissemination. At present, the GKMS products are disseminated through SMS and IVRS to 11.46 million farmers in the country.

Stating this in reply to a question in the Lok Sabha, the Minister for Science & Technology and Earth Science Dr. Harsh Vardhan said ESSO-IMD is not providing forecast and advisory services at the Block Level at present. However research efforts are initiated by ESSO –IMD to explore possibility of generating sub district scale Agro-meteorological forecast with acceptable level of verification skill in a pilot mode.

For the benefit of fisherman community, a satellite-based application for the fishermen community of the country, called "Potential Fishing Zone (PFZ) Advisories", is being generated and provided on using the satellite data and Geographic Information System (GIS) tools since 1999 useful for location of fish grounds/aggregation . In addition, the Ocean State Forecast (OSF) (wave height and direction, wind speed and direction, ocean currents, sea surface temperature, depth of mixed layer and thermo cline, sea level at major and minor ports, etc. is also being provided to fisherman. Dr. Harsh Vardhan pointed out that the Indian Institute of Applied Economics had assessed that such services to farmers contribute upto about Two lakh crores Rupees and services extended for the benefit of fishermen amount to over 34,000 crore rupees.

ESSO-IMD, in coordination with State Governments, is also generating forecasts for major pilgrimages such as Amarnath Yatra, Manasasarovar Yatra, Chardham Yatra, Kumbhmela, etc. and also various mountaineering expeditions launched by the Armed Forces for Mount Everest and several other Himalayan mountains. Continuous efforts are on to generate value added forecast products at different spatial scales (State, District, City etc.) and temporal scales (from few hours to 5 days) for all the regions of the country. The tourist city forecasts and their updates in particular are made available through designated state government level functionaries, electronic & print media and for general public on ESSO-IMD’s national as well as regional office websites.

ESSO-IMD has operationalized its location specific now-casting weather service across the country. This service activity currently covers 155 urban centres under which now- cast of severe weather (Thunderstorms; heavy rainfall from lows/depressions over the land) in 3-6h range is issued. Origin, development/movement of severe weather phenomena are regularly monitored through DWRs and with all available other observing systems (AWSs; ARGs; Automatic Weather Observing Systems-AWOS; satellite derived wind vectors, temperature, moisture fields etc.) 

Skill India Mission

Skill India Mission
Minister of State (Independent Charge) for Skill Development & Entrepreneurship Shri Rajiv Pratap Rudy has said that it is estimated that out of 487 million workforce, 4.69% possess formal vocational education. In addition to the challenges of re-skilling, up-skilling and Recognition of Prior Learning (RPL) for existing workforce, as per requirement, there is a need to provide skilling opportunities for approximately 104.6 million people who are expected to enter the workforce between 2015 to 2022. In cognizance of this fact, the Government has notified the National Policy for Skill Development and Entrepreneurship on 15.07.2015, to provide a roadmap to meet the challenge of Skilling on a large Scale at Speed with high Standards to ensure Sustainable livelihoods for all citizens in the country.

In a written reply in the Rajya Sabha today Shri Rudy further said, the Ministry has also launched the National Skill Development Mission to create convergence across sectors and States in terms of skill training activities. Further, to achieve the vision of ‘Skilled India’, the National Skill Development Mission would not only consolidate and coordinate skilling efforts, but also expedite decision making across sectors to achieve skilling at scale with speed and standards. The Mission document recommends an institutional structure at the State level which would be driven by the State Skill Development Mission and would replicate the institutional structure of the National Mission at State level.

In addition to the above, to scale up skill development with initiatives, Pradhan Mantri Kaushal Vikas Yojana (PMKVY) has been launched by the Government. The scheme has an outlay of Rs. 1,500 crore, with a target to cover 24 lakh persons within next one year, under skill training (including 10 lakh under Recognition of Prior Learning), the Minister added. 

#UPSC (IAS)-2016 #EXAMCALENDER

UPSC (IAS)-2016 EXAM CALENDER

12 August 2015

Elections are about perceptions

A reduction in grievous crimes like murder, robbery and dacoity has contributed greatly to changing the popular perception on the law and order situation in the State

Performance of government matters in Indian elections, but what matters more is perception. The chances of a government getting re-elected are more due to the perception the government creates about development rather than by actual developmental work done during its tenure. True, misgovernance proved costly for the Congress-led United Progressive Alliance (UPA) government, but what proved even more disastrous for the Congress was its inability to create a perception that it cared for the needs of the common man.
A large number of voters voted for the Bharatiya Janata Party (BJP) by default, as they were fed up with the UPA government. What contributed, however, to BJP’s landslide victory was the perception the party was able to create through an aggressive campaign — of Gujarat being the most developed State in India — and making Indian voters believe that the man who could do that in Gujarat could also change the country. This perception of Gujarat as the most developed State was so strong that that almost everyone believed it, without even checking the claim against reality. After all, there is evidence, including data from the recent State Human Development Reports, suggesting that Gujarat is somewhere at Number 5 or 6 on the development ladder, and certainly not at the top.
Realising the importance of perception in winning elections, the two alliances in Bihar — the alliance of Janata Dal (United) (JDU); Rashtriya Janata Dal (RJD); Congress; and Nationalist Congress Party(NCP) (popularly known as Nitish-Lalu alliance) and the BJP-led National Democratic Alliance (NDA) — have already started waging the perception battle as they go into the electoral campaign mode. Nitish Kumar is trying hard to send out the message that Bihar has developed enormously during the ten years of his rule. He emphasises that the period has been one of susaashan (good governance). Of the achievements the government wants people to notice is a significant improvement in the law and order situation. Travelling through Bihar and talking to the people, one would get a sense that there has been noticeable improvement, but does the perception mirror the reality?
Crunching the numbers

We have used data on incidents of crimes released by the Bihar police and the National Crime Records Bureau (NCRB) to evaluate the claims and counterclaims about the prevailing law and order situation in Bihar. We have looked at the average annual crime rates during the last RJD regime (2001-2004) and during the two terms of the incumbent Chief Minister Nitish Kumar (2005-2009 and 2010-2014).
A comparative analysis of crime rates during these tenures reveals that Nitish Kumar’s performance in improving the law and order situation has been mixed. First, there has been a steady rise in the number of total cognisable offences in the State. On an average, close to 1 lakh cognisable offences were recorded annually during the Lalu regime, which increased to 1.19 lakh during Nitish Kumar’s first term (2005-10) and crossed 1.6 lakh in his second term (2010-2015). Second, grievous crimes such as murder, robbery and dacoity have reduced considerably over the years. The incidence of murders fell during Nitish’s first term but rose marginally in his second term. The overall average is still lower than that during the Lalu regime. The real success of the Nitish government lies here — controlling these grievous crimes has contributed greatly to changing the popular perception on the law and order situation in Bihar.
Third, there has been a consistent rise in cases of kidnapping, burglary/ theft and crimes against Dalits, even though kidnapping for ransom has declined. The Bihar police claimed that the rise could be due to parents filing kidnapping charges in cases of girls eloping. The rise, however, is too sharp for this justification to work. Also, the rise in incidents of theft and burglary has been quite marked over the past few years with, on an average, more than 22,000 incidents recorded between 2010 and 2014, as compared to 13,359 during the last RJD regime.
There has been an alarming rise in crimes against Dalits. Though only a proportion of these incidents would be cases falling under the SC/ST Atrocities Act, the massive rise cannot be ignored. The annual average, which was 1,819 during the RJD regime and 2,821 during Nitish Kumar’s first term, increased manifold to 4,670 between 2010 and 2013. One can expect the BJP and its allies to raise this issue during the election campaign.
Fourth, figures for crimes against women and, specifically, rapes reveal a complex situation, as there seems to be a contradiction between reported incidents and people’s perception as reflected in the surveys. The average number of rapes every year during Nitish Kumar’s first term at 1,030 was higher than that during the RJD rule at 892. This figure came down slightly during his second term to 982 but continues to remain higher than that for the 2001-2004 period.
We believe there could be two explanations for this evident paradox. First, the higher recording of offences could be a reflection of greater reporting, since victims often refrain from officially lodging complaints due to police inaction, social stigma and fear. Thus, this rise could be seen as an outcome of a more secure reporting environment for victims. Second this perception could be based on a general reduction in grievous crimes and not specifically in crimes against women.
These broad trends remain the same even after the mid-year population estimates released by the NCRB are considered.
It would be incorrect to say that the Bihar government has not taken any steps towards improving law and order in the last decade. There is a much better police-to-people ratio now, compared to the past due to an expansion in the police force. The ratio was 1:1223 in 2013 compared to 1:1825 in 2005.
Other steps like reservation for women in police recruitment would definitely help in improving policing, and in increased reporting of crimes and reduction of fear among victims, especially women and those from the lower castes.
Despite these efforts, it cannot be denied that in recent years there has been a spike in crime rates after an earlier trend of reduction. This makes Nitish Kumar’s task much more difficult. Not only does he need to reassure people that the State will not return to the pre-2005 state of affairs, but also convince them about the performance of his own party in recent times.

Accountability with autonomy

By clarifying the objective of the Reserve Bank of India, the monetary policy framework has enhanced its autonomy. Nothing should be done to dilute the authority that goes with this responsibility.

Discussions have shifted from objectives of monetary policy to the appropriate mechanism for formulating monetary policy. In February 2015, the Reserve Bank of India and the Government of India entered into an agreement on a new monetary policy framework. Under this framework, the inflation target is set at 4 per cent with a band of +/- 2 per cent beginning 2016-17. The Reserve Bank of India under the agreement shall be seen to have failed to meet the target if inflation is more than 6 per cent for three consecutive quarters for the financial year 2015-16 and all subsequent years and less than 2 per cent for three consecutive quarters in 2016-17 and all subsequent years. If the Reserve Bank fails to meet the target, it will have to send a report to the central government giving the reasons for its failure to achieve the target and the remedial measures that would be taken by the Reserve Bank.
C Rangarajan
Thus control of inflation has emerged as the dominant objective of monetary policy. This is a welcome step. The clarity with respect to the objective establishes the accountability of the central bank. This also implies that the government will not interfere with any action that Reserve Bank of India may take to keep inflation within the limits
Current Process

What is the process of policy making currently in the Reserve Bank of India? The Reserve Bank of India is not an insular institution. It keeps its ears open. Before any major policy decision is taken, it holds extensive consultations with banks, industry associations, economists and various market participants. It discusses the various alternatives with the Government. The Board of the Reserve Bank of India is not involved in the specific policy decisions. However, the broad contours of monetary policy are discussed at the meetings of the Central Board.
Since 2005, a technical advisory committee comprising of experts, has been set up to advise the Reserve Bank of India on policy matters, particularly with respect to changes in the policy rate. The Committee remains advisory in character and the majority view is not binding. Ultimately, the responsibility for the decision rests with the Governor. The question that arises is whether, in the context of the new policy framework, a change is called for in the process of policy formulation.
Even among central banks across nations that have adopted inflation targeting, there is no uniform organisational structure regarding policy making. While many central banks have set up monetary policy committees, there are important exceptions. New Zealand, a pioneer in the adoption of inflation targeting, which became the model for others to follow, has no committee with external members. In fact, the tenure of the Governor is at stake if the inflation target is violated.
On the composition and strength of monetary policy committees also, there are differences among countries that have taken the route of instituting such a committee. These committees do have external members i.e. chosen from outside central banks. The U.S. has not formally announced an inflation target, even though the Federal Open Markets Committee plays a critical role. It is however, an old institution and its membership reflects the federal character of the central banking system. The membership comprises of either representatives of the Fed Board or the heads of the regional Feds.
The Financial Sector Legislative Reforms Commission in its report in 2013 recommended the setting up of a Monetary Policy Committee. The Urjit Patel Committee endorsed the idea but had a different view on its composition. If we were to set up a Monetary Policy Committee in India, what should be its composition? The key issue is the proportion of external members to Reserve Bank of India representatives in the Committee. There are three possible alternatives.
Composition of committee

First, the Committee could have a majority of members nominated by the Reserve Bank of India. This will help to fix the responsibility squarely on the shoulders of the Reserve Bank of India for keeping inflation within the agreed limits. The second alternative is to have parity between the members nominated by RBI and the external members. If there is a tie, the Chairperson who is the Governor, can have a casting vote. Even in this set up, the accountability of Reserve Bank of India holds good. The third alternative is one in which the majority of the committee comprises of external members. In this case, the accountability of RBI can be established only if the Governor is given the power of veto.
If the veto power is not given, accountability gets diffused. It can be argued that even such a committee can be held accountable and responsible for fulfilling the inflation mandate. But this would be really difficult. The best option is either alternative 1 or 2. The crux of the issue is accountability. The members can be either full time or part time. If they are full time, the ‘external’ character gets diminished. If they are part time, care has to be taken in choosing members so that they are not connected even distantly with any institution which can benefit from policy decisions.
Role of MPC 

The Monetary Policy Committee (MPC) is identified with its suggestions on the policy rate. However, this does not really exhaust the functions of the MPC. Changes in policy rate do play an important role. They act as signals from the central bank. They also affect the borrowings of banks from the central bank, which, in turn, lead to changes in other rates. Central banks cannot act as King Canute. They cannot simply order the interest rate. They must adjust the liquidity in the system such that changes announced are effective. Without corresponding action on the liquidity in the system, the rate changes can at best have only an announcement effect. That is why in U.S., the Federal Open Markets Committee (FOMC) became important. In the earlier days any announcement in the change in the bank rate by the Fed was accompanied by suitable instructions to the FOMC.
Thus the MPC must focus not only on policy rate but also other important ingredients of monetary policy. After all, with policy interest rates hovering near zero level in the developed countries, central banks are more focused on ‘quantitative easing’. Even though money supply does not figure much in recent policy statements in India, overall liquidity is a relevant variable. Ultimately, quantity and price are interrelated.
Tasks ahead

The recent monetary policy framework, entered into between the Reserve Bank of India and the Government, is an important land mark in the evolution of monetary policy in our country. By clarifying the objective of the Reserve Bank of India, it has enhanced its autonomy. Nothing should be done to dilute the authority that goes with this responsibility. There is some concern whether the pursuit of the objective of price stability compromises its ability to take care of other objectives, most notably growth. This is not necessarily so. So long as inflation stays within the agreed zone, it becomes easy for the central bank to take care of other objectives. It is only when inflation goes beyond the limits, control of inflation becomes the exclusive concern of the Reserve Bank of India. In fact the agreed inflation target of 4 per cent with a band of ± 2 per cent is really liberal. If inflation is allowed to be at the upper band of 6 per cent for 12 years, prices will double. We should actually work towards a much lower level of inflation. Imperceptibly, we have moved away from ‘price stability’ to ‘inflation stability’ as the objective.
However even this task is going to be difficult because of many structural features. Adopting inflation targeting does not make the task of formulating monetary policy any easier. It is true that when inflation stays outside the comfort zone, the direction of policy is clear. However, when inflation stays within the comfort zone, the direction and extent of change in policy rate depends on the assessment of inflation trajectory and the overall economic environment. On this, there can be differences of opinion as we are witnessing today. Any mechanism that we create such as a Monetary Policy Committee should not weaken but, on the other hand, strengthen the hands of Reserve Bank of India to deal effectively with inflation.
(C. Rangarajan is former Chairman of the Economic Advisory Council to the Prime Minister and former Governor, Reserve Bank of India.)

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